West Papua Report: September 2013
West Papua Report: September 2013
This is the 113th in a series of monthly reports that focus on developments affecting Papuans. This series is produced by the non-profit West Papua Advocacy Team (WPAT) drawing on media accounts, other NGO assessments, and analysis and reporting from sources within West Papua. This report is co-published by the East Timor and Indonesia Action Network (ETAN). Back issues are posted online at http://www.etan.org/issues/wpapua/default.htm Questions regarding this report can be addressed to Edmund McWilliams at firstname.lastname@example.org. If you wish to receive the report directly via e-mail, send a note to email@example.com. Link to this issue: http://etan.org/issues/wpapua/2013/1309wpap.htm
The Report leads with "Perspective," an opinion
piece; followed by "Update," a summary of some developments
during the covered period; and then "Chronicle" which
includes analyses, statements, new resources, appeals and
action alerts related to West Papua. Anyone interested in
contributing a "Perspective" or responding to one should
write to firstname.lastname@example.org. The opinions expressed in
Perspectives are the author's and not necessarily those of
WPAT or ETAN. For additional news on West Papua
see the reg.westpapua listserv archive or on Twitter.
T his month's PERSPECTIVE is by retired U.S. Foreign Service Officer (and West Papua Report editor) Edmund McWilliams. His analysis assesses the implications of the U.S. government "pivot" to Asia for U.S. policy regarding Indonesia and West Papua. The U.S. re-focus toward Asia and the Pacific involves closer U.S. political, security and economic ties to countries of the region. These enhanced security ties, in particular, will mean diminished U.S. government attention to human rights violations, corruption, and undemocratic behavior by regional militaries the U.S. seeks as "partners," including Indonesia.
In "UPDATE," we note the U.S. government's decision to proceed with the sale of eight Apache helicopters to the Indonesian military. More than 90 NGO's had urged the sale not go forward, due in part the likelihood that it will employed in West Papua. A "freedom flotilla" has left Australia for West Papua. Indonesian officials have threatened to arrest participants. Jakarta may renege on it pledge to invite Foreign Ministers of the Melanesian Spearhead Group nations to visit Jakarta and West Papua. Indonesian security forces have arrested scores of Papuans who sought peacefully to assert their cultural identity.
In this month's "CHRONICLE," we note an open letter by the Australia West Papua Association to the Pacific Islands Forum to take up the issue of West Papua and link to an interview with Benny Wenda carried by Democracy Now!
Implications of the "Asia Pivot" for
U.S. Policy on Indonesia
by Ed McWilliams
The U.S.'s determination to "partner" with the TNI is reminiscent of previous administration's partnering with corrupt and abusive militaries in the service of earlier geopolitical strategies, notably during the cold war. U.S. support for rightwing military dictatorships, delayed democratic evolution in many countries and perpetuated extraordinary suffering.
Senior U.S. administration officials continue to emphasize U.S. determination to pursue a greater focus on Asia and the Pacific. The "Asia Pivot," according to senior Pentagon and State Department officials, reflects a growing realization in Washington of burgeoning trade opportunities presented by the economic dynamism of the region. At the same time, Washington is increasingly conscious of security challenges posed by the growing power of the Chinese military, as well as territorial disputes, notably in the South China Sea.
The Obama administration has sought to implement the pivot by strengthening existing security, political and economic ties with states in the region. In the security sector, the Obama administration has built upon relationships with regional forces established during the previous administration in the context of anti-terrorism.
The Obama administration's expansion of ties to regional military forces, in Indonesia, but also in Vietnam, the Philippines, and Burma (Myanmar) have proceeded notwithstanding well-founded concerns that these security "partners" have well-documented histories of human rights violations, corruption, and undemocratic behavior. A number of these prospective security "partners" have records of repression of minorities. Vietnamese security forces played a key role in Hanoi's policy of ethnic cleansing of the Montagnards, who have been forcibly displaced from much of their Central Highland homelands to make way for government-subsidized Vietnamese migrants. In Burma, despite significant democratic progress, Burmese security forces continue to carry out repressive measures against tribal groups.
The Indonesian military (TNI) is Southeast Asia's largest military. Thanks to a sprawling commercial empire of both legal and illegal businesses and a long history of a lack of accountability before Indonesia's civilian court system, it remains largely beyond the control of the civilian government. It also continues to violate human rights with near impunity, as documented by the UN Human Rights Commission, international NGO human rights monitors, and even the U.S. State Department's own annual human rights reports.
The TNI's human rights record is most egregious in West Papua, the troubled region forcibly annexed by Indonesia in the 1960's. That annexation proceeded absent any opportunity for the Papuan people to exercise their right of self-determination. The TNI has been the principal agent through which the Indonesian government has sought to enforce its control of the resource-rich region. The brutality of the TNI-backed occupation of West Papua, the ethnic cleansing entailed by decades of "transmigration" -- government subsidized migration from within Indonesia to West Papua which has displaced Papuan peoples from their homes -- and policies of malign neglect in the areas of health, education and development have raised credible charges of genocide.
The U.S. administration's determination to partner with the TNI is reminiscent of previous administration's partnering with corrupt and abusive militaries in the service of earlier geopolitical strategies, notably in the context of the cold war. U.S. support for the anti-communist Suharto dictatorship and with rightwing military dictatorships in Central and South America, Iran, and elsewhere, delayed democratic evolution in many countries and perpetuated extraordinary suffering.
The Obama administration's Asia Pivot inevitably must be seen in the context of these earlier strategies which sacrificed human rights concerns, democratization, and principles of civil control of the military on the altar of security objectives. As in the past, the U.S. administration contends that closer U.S. cooperation encourages reform among its security "partners." The military-to-military relationship with the Indonesian military during the 30-year Suharto dictatorship remained extremely close despite egregious the TNI's human rights crimes and corruption. Indonesia's illegal invasion of East Timor in 1975 and the subsequent occupation of that small country remained largely irrelevant to Washington's pro-Suharto and pro-Indonesian military stance.
The saga of East Timor (now Timor-Leste), in the context of U.S. policy toward Indonesia includes a particular irony. The United States, throughout the Indonesian occupation of East Timor, accepted the occupation, maintaining that East Timor was "an integral part of Indonesia" with the caveat that "no genuine act of self-determination had taken place." The U.S. consistently ignored Indonesia's crimes in the territory, except when it was compelled to address them as a consequence of international media attention, such as the in the case of the 1991 Santa Cruz massacre. U.S. Congressional outrage and public pressure over that crime forced restrictions on U.S. military cooperation with Indonesia.
The sad saga of West Papua contains parallels with that of East Timor. West Papua was also invaded and occupied by the Indonesian military with the backing of the U.S. The West Papuan people, like the East Timorese, have suffered extraordinary repression under Jakarta's rule. The United States, echoing its previous stance on East Timor, has consistently stated that it regards West Papua as an "integral part" of Indonesia. The U.S. public stance on West Papua, however, differs from its previous position regarding East Timor insofar as the U.S. refuses to acknowledge that Papuans have not been afforded their right to self-determination.
It appears that this long-denied right, along with the Papuan's right to live free from Indonesian repression, can not be accommodated in the context of Washington's Asia Pivot. The recent sale of attack helicopters to Indonesia (see below) is the latest example of human rights concerns and fundamental civil rights, including the right to self-determination, being sacrificed on the altar of geo-political expediency.
Sale Of Apache Helicopters to the TNI
Secretary of Defense Chuck Hagel announced the sale of a squadron of eight Apache attack helicopters to the Indonesian military (TNI), during a visit to Indonesia. The sale, which includes pilot training, associated radar, and maintenance support, is worth half a billion dollars over 10 years.
According to Indonesian officials, the sale includes no conditions governing how the aircraft are to be used. In the past, the U.S. government has imposed restrictions on the sale of weapons systems to the TNI as a means of reducing the possibility that those systems would be employed against civilians.
Last year, more than 90 international non-governmental organizations wrote to oppose the sale. Long standing U.S. congressional concern over the extremely poor human rights record amassed by the TNI appears not to have been taken into consideration by the U.S. administration. For over a decade, the U.S. sought to build a partnership with the Indonesian military notwithstanding that institution's abysmal human rights record, corruption, and unwillingness to subordinate itself to civilian government control. An August 27 Jakarta Post report quotes Hagel as stating that he "welcomed the progress Indonesia has made in improving transparency and the protection of human rights."
The East Timor and Indonesia Action Network (ETAN) and the West Papua Advocacy Team issued a joint statement condemning the sale. The groups said that "The new Apache attack helicopters will greatly augment the capacity of the TNI to pursue "sweeping" operations, extending TNI capacity to stage operations after dark and in ever more remote areas." The sale of the helicopters "demonstrates that U.S. concern for greater respect for human rights and justice in Indonesia are nothing more than hollow rhetoric."
to Sail from Australia to West Papua
Australian activists are sailing from Australia to Merauke in West Papua to demonstrate international concern over the denial of human and civil rights by Indonesia. The Freedom Flotilla is also as a cultural mission aimed at re-establishing millennia-old ties between the aborigine population of Australia and Papua.
Indonesia has threatened to block the flotilla by force. The flotilla, which has permission from local Papuans to land in their area, has been delayed by mechanical problems. Papuans in Merauke and elsewhere in West Papua have staged massive "welcome" demonstrations in support of the mission. In Sorong, police arrested four West Papuan leaders who organized a welcome ceremony for the flotilla.
Flotilla spokesperson Ruben Blake called Indonesian threats of arrest, force and naval interception "heavy-handed." He noted that in the past the Indonesian government has gone to great lengths to prevent people from witnessing conditions in West Papua. He expressed concern for the safety of those participating in the peaceful mission:
"We believe that safety of a group of peaceful protesters who are going there on a cultural mission as well as a human rights mission should be respected. These threats that haven't been ruling out the use of guns and force is a big concern. People around the world should be absolutely concerned about the safety of the people on board the boats."
The Australian government has warned that it will not extend consular protection or assistance to flotilla participants.
Indonesia Accused of Reneging on Pledge
to Invite MSG Delegation
Rex Rumakiek, Secretary-General of the West Papua National Coalition for Liberation, accused the Indonesian government of reneging on its promise to invite a delegation of Foreign Ministers of the Melanesian Spearhead Group (MSG) to visit Jakarta and West Papua. Rumakiek, whose group petitioned the recent MSG summit for West Papuan membership, told Radio Australia that rather than inviting an MSG delegation, Jakarta has resorted to inviting the MSG nations to visit individually. Rumakiek noted that the Indonesian government is seeking to divide the group, which has been seeking to formulate a united MSG position on the question of West Papua's status. Indonesia refunded the US$171,000 cost of a recent state visit by Solomon Islands prime minister to Indonesia.
Security Forces Stage Widespread Arrests as
Papuans Assert Cultural Identity
West Papua Media has reported scores of arrests of Papuans who sought to organize peaceful demonstrations commemorating August 15, "a day intended to celebrate Papuan cultural identity and demand rights to free expression be respected." The demonstrations were billed as "cultural parades," assertions of Papuan cultural identity in the face of what West Papua Media sources described as a "deliberate campaign of cultural suppression by the Indonesian colonial security forces."
The parades were held on the anniversary of the 1962 New York Agreement which began the process of Indonesia's formal take over of West Papua. The parades were also to celebrate the opening of a new Free West Papua Campaign office in The Netherlands.
Despite widely-reported police statements that they would allow the parades to go forward, waves of arrests and other intimidation prevented several from taking place. Nevertheless, the events went ahead in Jayapura, Wamena and Biak.
Opposition to ConocoPhillips
The Forum to Care for Papua's Natural Resources is opposing plans by ConocoPhillips to explore for oil and gas in West Papua. In a press release issued in Yogyakarta, August 31, the group said that ConocoPhillips "will only aggravate symptoms of social breakdown and environmental damage, as such corporations are only interested in their own profits, and do not care about the environment and Papuan indigenous people." According to media reports the company reiterated its plan to carry out seismic testing in Boven Digoel and Pegunungan Bintang in 2014.
to Pacific Islands Forum Leaders
The Australia West Papua Association (Sydney) (AWPA) has written an open letter to the Pacific Island Forum (PIF) leaders urged them to discuss the human rights situation in West Papua at the upcoming Pacific Islands Forum in Majuro. Joe Collins of AWPA said, "We would like the Forum Leaders to follow the example of the MSG leaders who at their summit in Noumea, raised concerns about the human rights abuses in West Papua in their official communiqué. They also recognized the right of the West Papuan people to self-determination."
Guardian Reviews West Papua
The Guardian, August 29, published an article by Marni Cordell which offered a candid review of West Papua's history. The article, "The West Papuan independence movement - a history," notes that the Papuan struggle for self-determination continues, 40 years after a "sham ballot" through which Indonesia annexed West Papua.
Benny Wenda, human rights defender and advocate for Papuan self-determination now living in exile in the United Kingdom, was interviewed on Democracy Now! in February, 2013. The video and full transcript of the interview were recently made available.
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