Populism and Legitimacy: The EU Elections

The European political left and centre-left have suffered a bruising in the recent European elections. Conservative governments in power (France, Germany, Italy) have done well; those not in power (the UK, Spain) have managed to woo the protest vote. The largest political bloc now is the centre-right, posing the largest group in the European Parliament. The leaders of the left have not impressed, but nor have the institutional defenders of the European Union itself. Populist figures and those of the right have reaped the whirlwind in response, though none of them can claim that their gains were colossal, let alone durable, in any way.

Each country registered slightly different voter reactions, a fact that muddies any European-wide analysis. The Dutch response was typically shaped by reactions to Geert Wilder’s Party for Freedom (PVV), which won four mandates in the European Parliament. The liberal Dutch daily NRC Handelsblad (8 Jun) registered its worries at the broader implications of this shift. ‘This is an indication that there is considerable voter support for the ideas of the PVV, which are against Europe, against Islam and play up to people’s xenophobia.’

The paper continues its rather negative note by suggesting that the ground lost by the parties of the grand coalition, notably the Social Democrats, will only be regained through a compromise of basic liberal traditions. In this, the paper is probably exaggerating the nature of the gains made by the right at the expense of the left. A more subtle reading is needed.

The Polish liberal paper Gazeta Wyborcza was right to observe (8 Jun) that extremist parties are far from unusual in the European Parliament. When differences between political parties cease to be notable (the European Social Democrats being, for example, indistinguishable in may ways to the Christian Democrats), voters flock to those parties ‘who stand out, because they talk plainly, use populist language and reach the masses with their language.’ The key here is to avoid replicating the populist platform while still appealing to the European project. Traditional parties had to resist the temptation of matching ‘their programs to the anti-European trends’.

Austria followed a similar pattern to their Dutch counterparts, seeing the Freedom Party of Austria (FPÖ) and EU critic Hans-Peter Martin garner up to a third of the vote. The Freedom Party doubled its previous vote, though not to the extent that it had hoped. But even here, the pattern of revolt is also local and distinct, heavily flavoured with populist sentiment. The Austrian Der Standard claimed that as far as Martin was concerned, voters really had no genuine idea what he stood for, given the absence of a clear political program from his side. The target here, as with much in this election, was a distinct anti-EU feeling.

What is at stake is far more than the PVV platform or any other ‘extremist’ party – it’s the very legitimacy, a word so lacking in European political debate, of a rising behemoth no one quite knows how to contain. It’s the EU itself which is questioned, feared and seen as threatening. Xenophobia and fears of a new ‘ethnic’ order may accompany this, but a failure to truly democratize the EU itself is proving a problem.

The 43 percent voter turnout, the lowest since voting began in 1979, also suggested that apathy is raging. The more powerful the EU gets, the less interest in its workings is shown. Paradoxically, more interest ought to be taken, precisely because the assertiveness of such a behemoth ought to be checked. Transparency is neglected just as EU citizens are alienated.

One can’t assume that Europe has fallen in love with right wing parties after the weekend elections. Many voters have, rather, fallen out of love with the EU, a situation that can itself prove alarming if not redressed soon.

Binoy Kampmark was a Commonwealth Scholar at Selwyn College, Cambridge. Email: bkampmark@gmail.com

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