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Cablegate: Daily Summary of Japanese Press 09/10/09

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PP RUEHFK RUEHKSO RUEHNAG RUEHNH
DE RUEHKO #2098/01 2530632
ZNR UUUUU ZZH
P 100632Z SEP 09
FM AMEMBASSY TOKYO
TO RUEHC/SECSTATE WASHDC PRIORITY 6097
INFO RUEKJCS/SECDEF WASHDC PRIORITY
RHEHAAA/THE WHITE HOUSE WASHINGTON DC PRIORITY
RUEAWJA/USDOJ WASHDC PRIORITY
RULSDMK/USDOT WASHDC PRIORITY
RUCPDOC/USDOC WASHDC PRIORITY
RUEAIIA/CIA WASHDC PRIORITY
RUEKJCS/JOINT STAFF WASHDC//J5//
RHHMUNA/HQ USPACOM HONOLULU HI
RHHMHBA/COMPACFLT PEARL HARBOR HI
RHMFIUU/HQ PACAF HICKAM AFB HI//CC/PA//
RHMFIUU/USFJ //J5/JO21//
RUYNAAC/COMNAVFORJAPAN YOKOSUKA JA
RUAYJAA/CTF 72
RUEHNH/AMCONSUL NAHA 8726
RUEHFK/AMCONSUL FUKUOKA 6390
RUEHOK/AMCONSUL OSAKA KOBE 0205
RUEHNAG/AMCONSUL NAGOYA 3760
RUEHKSO/AMCONSUL SAPPORO 6906
RUEHBJ/AMEMBASSY BEIJING 0909
RUEHUL/AMEMBASSY SEOUL 7568
RUCNDT/USMISSION USUN NEW YORK 7185

UNCLAS SECTION 01 OF 06 TOKYO 002098

SIPDIS

DEPT FOR E, P, EB, EAP/J, EAP/P, EAP/PD, PA;
WHITE HOUSE/NSC/NEC; JUSTICE FOR STU CHEMTOB IN ANTI-TRUST DIVISION;
TREASURY/OASIA/IMI/JAPAN; DEPT PASS USTR/PUBLIC AFFAIRS OFFICE;
SECDEF FOR JCS-J-5/JAPAN,
DASD/ISA/EAPR/JAPAN; DEPT PASS ELECTRONICALLY TO USDA
FAS/ITP FOR SCHROETER; PACOM HONOLULU FOR PUBLIC DIPLOMACY ADVISOR;
CINCPAC FLT/PA/ COMNAVFORJAPAN/PA.

E.O. 12958: N/A
TAGS: OIIP KMDR KPAO PGOV PINR ECON ELAB JA

SUBJECT: DAILY SUMMARY OF JAPANESE PRESS 09/10/09

INDEX:

(1) U.S. Ambassador to Japan Roos eager to deepen environmental
cooperation and to organize business exchanges; "President expects
frank opinions" (Nikkei)

(2) Japan through the eyes of Roos: Gap between "equal diplomacy"
and reality (Nikkei)

(3) SDP a headache for DPJ in U.S. ties? (Tokyo Shimbun)

(4) Editorial: 25 percent reduction target; Strategy to influence
U.S. and China important (Mainichi)

ARTICLES:

(1) U.S. Ambassador to Japan Roos eager to deepen environmental
cooperation and to organize business exchanges; "President expects
frank opinions"

NIKKEI (Page 7) (Full)
September 10, 2009

U.S. Ambassador to Japan John Roos gave an interview to the Nikkei
in which he expressed strong enthusiasm for (helping) Japan and the
United States to work together to address global warming, especially
in the area of environmental technology, by utilizing his experience
of having managed a law firm in Silicon Valley where there are many
startups. The Ambassador indicated that he is required to offer
"frank" opinions to President Barack Obama based on his close ties
to the President whom he supported during the presidential race last
year.

"I have the unique experience of having worked in Silicon Valley for
25 years. I definitely want to utilize my expertise," Ambassador
Roos said. "Japan's strength lies in hybrid cars, batteries, and
solar energy generation. The United States' strong point is its
know-how on developing unknown firms into global businesses." He
also indicated that he wants to create venues to introduce Japanese
entrepreneurs and venture businesses to U.S. venture-capital and
other firms.

The law firm that Roos ran supported the launch of many new
businesses, such as Google, the largest search engine on the
Internet. Roos especially favored the video sharing website YouTube.
"I remember visiting a pizza parlor where (YouTube's) three founders
were always sitting with their laptop computers at a table on its
second floor," the Ambassador said. His introduction of a venture
capital firm to them helped their company get off the ground. "I
want to see the United States and Japan promote a future Google,"
the Ambassador said with enthusiasm.

He is paying especially close attention to environmental
technologies, such as renewable energy, in business exchanges. He
indicated that he has held talks twice with Economy, Trade and
Industry Minister Toshihiro Nikai and that (the United States) is in
specific talks with the Japanese government. "There is ample room
for the United States and Japan to cooperate in this sector."

Ambassador Roos's strongest asset is his personal friendship with
President Obama. About his relationship with the President, Roos
said, "We are bound by trust. It seems that the President not only

TOKYO 00002098 002 OF 006


trusts my judgment but also expects me to offer frank opinions."

Ambassador Roos took up his post three weeks ago. The Liberal
Democratic Party's crushing defeat in the (Aug. 30) general election
has paved the way for a coalition government led by the Democratic
Party of Japan (DPJ), which advocates an "equal Japan-U.S.
relationship." Ambassador Roos, who has exchanged views twice with
DPJ President Yukio Hatoyama, said they had "very constructive
conversations." The Ambassador also indicated that he is satisfied
with current Japan-U.S. relations, saying, "I believe the United
States has deep ties with Japan in all areas."

Ambassador Roos's three weeks

August

19th Arrived at Narita Airport.
20th Paid a courtesy call on Vice-Foreign Minister Mitoji Yabunaka.
Presented his credentials to the Emperor at the Imperial Palace.
21st Attended a meet-and-greet event at the U.S. Embassy.
22nd Took a subway ride. Enjoyed a Bon festival dance with his
family.
23rd Viewed a Kaguramai dance at Meiji Shrine.
25th Met with Prime Minister Taro Aso at the Prime Minister's
Official Residence (Kantei), followed by talks with Chief Cabinet
Secretary Takeo Kawamura. Called on Economy, Trade and Industry
Ministry Toshihiro Nikai.
26th Called on Foreign Minister Hirofumi Nakasone. Met with visiting
U.S. Secretary of the Navy Ray Mabus.
28th Watched a baseball game at Meiji Jingu Stadium.
31st Placed a telephone call to DPJ President Yukio Hatoyama to
offer his congratulations.

September

3rd Held talks with DPJ President Hatoyama at DPJ headquarters.
4th Delivered the opening speech for the "Women and Politics"
Symposium held at Sophia University.
5th Watched a baseball game at Tokyo Dome.
7th Held talks with Kanagawa Governor Shigefumi Matsuzawa at the
prefectural government office and with Yokohama Mayor Fumiko Hayashi
at the city hall. Visited the U.S. Department of State Foreign
Service Institute Japanese Language and Area Training Center.
8th Held talks with METI Minister Nikai.
9th Held talks with National Aeronautics and Space Administration
(NASA) authorities.

(2) Japan through the eyes of Roos: Gap between "equal diplomacy"
and reality

NIKKEI (Page 1) (Full)
September 10, 2009

The Rising Sun and the Stars and Stripes flew side by side in the
sea breeze outside the building.

U.S. Ambassador to Japan John Roos, 54, paid a visit to Governor
Shigefumi Matsuzawa, 51, of Kanagawa at the prefectural government
building on the morning of September 7. Roos began his talk with the
first local Japanese leader he met with after arriving in Japan on
August 20 with the words: "You were once a Democratic Party of Japan
(DPJ) Diet member. I would like to know the DPJ's thinking on the

TOKYO 00002098 003 OF 006


Japan-U.S. relationship and security. What issues are you concerned
about with regard to the military bases?"

Matsuzawa talked about three issues: the relocation of the Futenma
base out of Okinawa, the relocation of military planes on aircraft
carriers at the Atsugi base to Iwakuni, and a review of the
Japan-U.S. Status of Forces Agreement (SOFA). Roos nodded with great
interest.

Roos once headed the top law firm in Silicon Valley and assisted in
the listing of hundreds of venture businesses on the stock market.
He served as a senior official at the campaign office for Barack
Obama, 48, on the West Coast in the 2008 U.S. presidential election.
He was appointed as ambassador in recognition for his contributions
to the campaign. The change of administration in the U.S. brought
about his relationship with Japan.

Roos's first discoveries in Japan were the clean subways, sacred
kagura dance at Meiji Shrine, and Bon Festival dance in his
neighborhood. He encountered the change of administration in Japan
only about 10 days after taking up his post.

The end of the government led by the Liberal Democratic Party, which
has practically ruled Japan continuously for more than 50 years,
threatens to bring changes to foreign policy, which has so far been
based on the principle of continuity.

Just before the recent House of Representatives election, DPJ
President Yukio Hatoyama, 62, stated in an article that "Japan has
been continually buffeted by the winds of U.S.-led market
fundamentalism." When DPJ Secretary General Katsuya Okada, 56,
stated that "the Japan-China relationship will evolve further if the
DPJ takes over the reins of government," this was reported
prominently by Renmin Ribao (The People's Daily), the official organ
of the Communist Party of China.

Hatoyama's ideal of "yuai (fraternal) diplomacy," which aims at an
equal Japan-U.S. relationship, clashes with the reality of Japan
being protected by the U.S. "nuclear umbrella" and U.S. Forces
Japan. Roos faces the difficult question of how to deal with Japan
in such a situation.

During his recent visit to Japan, U.S. Secretary of the Navy Ray
Mabus stressed on August 26 that "the Pacific will become the most
important operational base for the U.S. Forces in 10, 20, or 30
years, and the Japan-U.S. alliance will be the pillar of that base."
On August 30, when the House of Representatives election took place,
the Yokosuka-based aircraft carrier George Washington and the San
Diego-based aircraft carrier Nimitz held a major exercise in the
Pacific close to Okinawa, with a keen awareness of China's
presence.

On September 3, Hatoyama told fellow Stanford University alumnus
Roos that he will "promote a constructive future-oriented Japan-U.S.
relationship." However, the foreign policy of the DPJ-led coalition
government remains unclear ahead of President Obama's expected visit
to Japan in November.

The sights that Roos saw from the carriage carrying him to the
Imperial Palace to present his credentials became deeply imprinted
on his mind. The female court ceremony officer accompanying him on
the ride said, "That is Marunouchi, where most of the major private

TOKYO 00002098 004 OF 006


companies are concentrated. This is Edo Castle, where the shoguns
used to live."

Japan, where the East and West and the old and new coexist. Moves to
shrink the distance with China - a country in close geographic
proximity with which Japan has a long history of exchanges - and
other Asian countries and to balance the relationship with the U.S.
have emerged from the change of administration.

Shortly after noon on September 7, Roos was at the U.S. State
Department's Japanese language training center in Yamate-cho,
Yokohama. With a hamburger fresh from the grill in his hand, he
asked students at the training center, "Will Japan's foreign policy
really change?"

Roos listened closely to the responses. "Mr. Hatoyama's article was
meant for the election. Even the Obama camp became realistic the
moment it assumed power," said one student. "Japan is trying to
change," said another. "We should be patient and favorably watch how
things unfold." Will there be a stable new government supported by
the people? There will certainly be many days ahead of patiently and
carefully watching to see how the situation unfolds.

(3) SDP a headache for DPJ in U.S. ties?

TOKYO SHIMBUN (Page 2) (Abridged slightly)
September 10, 2009

The Democratic Party of Japan (DPJ), the Social Democratic Party
(SDP), and the People's New Party had difficulty reaching an
agreement particularly on foreign and security polices, when they
were working through their differences at coalition talks. The SDP
persistently called for stipulating in the three-party coalition
agreement policies symbolizing an equal Japan-U.S. relationship in
specific terms, starting with revisions to the Japan-U.S. Status of
Forces Agreement (SOFA). The coalition partner SDP will likely
become a headache to the DPJ when the soon-to-be-formed Hatoyama
administration grapples with relations with the U.S.

The DPJ actually wanted to wrap up the talks with a reasonable
agreement on foreign and security policies.

That is because the U.S. indicated its alarm about Hatoyama, who
advocated an Asia-first policy and criticized U.S.-led globalism.
Now that Hatoyama is scheduled to visit the U.S. later in the month
after the inauguration of his administration and hold his first
meeting with President Obama, the DPJ wanted to avoid irritating the
U.S.

The DPJ has been criticizing the Liberal Democratic Party (LDP)-led
administration as pursuing diplomacy subservient to the U.S.
However, the DPJ, when starting policy talks with the SDP, did not
intend to touch on a review of the U.S. military bases in Japan or a
revision of the Japan-U.S. Status of Forces Agreement (SOFA).

However, the SDP called for stipulating in the coalition agreement a
pullout of Maritime Self-Defense Force personnel dispatched for
refueling operations in the Indian Ocean and anti-piracy operations
off Somalia. The SDP also insisted on steadfastly maintaining the
three nonnuclear principles.

Regarding base issues, the DPJ proposed "settling bilateral issues,

TOKYO 00002098 005 OF 006


starting with the presence of U.S. military bases." The SDP did not
agree.

After exchanging views on what language to be used, the DPJ and the
SDP in the end settled by quoting words used in the DPJ's manifesto,
such as "proposing an revision" of the SOFA and "with the
possibility of reviewing" the U.S. military base issue. This
resulted from the DPJ's consideration for the SDP.

The coalition agreement did not stipulate a pullout of MSDF
personnel in the Indian Ocean and in waters off Somalia. In this
respect, the SDP made concessions.

DPJ Secretary General Katsuya Okada, who has informally been
appointed to serve as foreign minister, said, "Those commitments are
within the bounds of what we have maintained in our manifesto. There
are no new pledges made." The coalition agreement will likely become
a burden each time Hatoyama and Okada hold talks with the U.S. The
DPJ will likely be caught on the horns of a dilemma - if it assumes
a bullish stance, it would provoke a backlash from the U.S., but if
it remains weak, the SDP would put pressure on it.

(4) Editorial: 25 percent reduction target; Strategy to influence
U.S. and China important

MAINICHI (Page 5) (Full)
September 9, 2009

Democratic Party of Japan (DPJ) President Yukio Hatoyama declared at
a symposium on the environment that Japan will aim at reducing
greenhouse gas emissions by 25 percent from 1990 levels by 2020.

This figure is specified in the DPJ's manifesto (campaign pledges).
It is more ambitious than the government's target, announced in June
by Prime Minister Tao Aso, and is one of the policy shifts
symbolizing a change of government.

The 15th session of the Conference of the Parties to the United
Nations Framework Convention on Climate Change (COP15) to determine
a framework after the Kyoto Protocol will be held in December. A UN
high-level meeting on climate change will take place in New York on
Sept. 22 with the participation of Hatoyama and U.S. President
Barack Obama. It is important for Japan to demonstrate its intention
to actively address global warming and to give an impetus to
international talks.

At the same time, global warming cannot be prevented just by Japan
setting a high target. In his speech, Hatoyama indicated that a
highly ambitious accord with participation by all major countries is
a prerequisite to Japan's promise to the international community.

Climate stabilization requires emission cuts by such emerging
nations as India and Brazil, not to mention cuts by the United
States, the world's largest emitter, and China. The DPJ must work
out a plan whereby Japan's active stance will lead to participation
by all counties.

In reaction to Hatoyama's 25-percent-cut declaration, some in
industrial circles have expressed concerns, such as that they might
have to move their production bases overseas. Some others have
pointed out heavier public burdens, such as a higher unemployment
rate.

TOKYO 00002098 006 OF 006

The government's target of reducing emissions by 15 percent from the
2005 level (or 8 percent from the 1990 level) cannot simply be
compared with (the DPJ) goal of cutting emissions by 25 percent from
the 1990s level. The reason is because the government's target shows
the cuts only in Japan (or the genuine reduction), while the DPJ's
figure seems to include cuts overseas and greenhouse gas emissions
trading as well.

Even so, attaining a 25 percent cut does not seem easy; it requires
a national commitment. As means to achieve the target, the DPJ cites
the introduction of a domestic emission trading system and an
environmental tax - approaches avoided by the government - in
addition to the promotion of energy conservation technologies and
renewable energies, and the development of technologies to recover
and store carbon.

Ways to advance these policies will be worked out in the future. We
want to see the DPJ offer a thorough and convincing explanation
about specific steps and the national burden so that the people can
willingly cooperate.

The government's response in the past has been void of a future
vision for Japan. It is essential for the DPJ to present a clear
vision for a low carbon society. If the general public shares that
vision, they will be able to consider the cost of cutting emissions
by 25 percent an investment for the future.

ROOS

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