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Cablegate: Daily Summary of Japanese Press 09/25/09

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PP RUEHFK RUEHKSO RUEHNAG RUEHNH
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INFO RUEKJCS/SECDEF WASHDC PRIORITY
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RUEAWJA/USDOJ WASHDC PRIORITY
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RHHMUNA/HQ USPACOM HONOLULU HI
RHHMHBA/COMPACFLT PEARL HARBOR HI
RHMFIUU/HQ PACAF HICKAM AFB HI//CC/PA//
RHMFIUU/USFJ //J5/JO21//
RUYNAAC/COMNAVFORJAPAN YOKOSUKA JA
RUAYJAA/CTF 72
RUEHNH/AMCONSUL NAHA 8991
RUEHFK/AMCONSUL FUKUOKA 6652
RUEHOK/AMCONSUL OSAKA KOBE 0467
RUEHNAG/AMCONSUL NAGOYA 3966
RUEHKSO/AMCONSUL SAPPORO 7169
RUEHBJ/AMEMBASSY BEIJING 1152
RUEHUL/AMEMBASSY SEOUL 7811
RUCNDT/USMISSION USUN NEW YORK 7398

UNCLAS SECTION 01 OF 12 TOKYO 002247

SIPDIS

DEPT FOR E, P, EB, EAP/J, EAP/P, EAP/PD, PA;
WHITE HOUSE/NSC/NEC; JUSTICE FOR STU CHEMTOB IN ANTI-TRUST DIVISION;
TREASURY/OASIA/IMI/JAPAN; DEPT PASS USTR/PUBLIC AFFAIRS OFFICE;
SECDEF FOR JCS-J-5/JAPAN,
DASD/ISA/EAPR/JAPAN; DEPT PASS ELECTRONICALLY TO USDA
FAS/ITP FOR SCHROETER; PACOM HONOLULU FOR PUBLIC DIPLOMACY ADVISOR;
CINCPAC FLT/PA/ COMNAVFORJAPAN/PA.

E.O. 12958: N/A
TAGS: OIIP KMDR KPAO PGOV PINR ECON ELAB JA

SUBJECT: DAILY SUMMARY OF JAPANESE PRESS 09/25/09

INDEX:

INDEX:

(1) Building relationship of trust a top priority for Hatoyama and
Obama (Asahi)

(2) Editorial: Japan-U.S. summit; Further enhance pragmatic
decisions (Sankei)

(3) PM Hatoyama's speech at UN General Assembly to become foreign
policy manifesto (Asahi)

(4) Bureaucrats baffled by "Hatoyama-style diplomacy" (Sankei)

(5) ConGen Greene stresses promotion of Futenma relocation within
Okinawa, to seek DPJ's understanding (Ryukyu Shimpo)

(6) Poll on Hatoyama cabinet, political parties (Tokyo Shimbun)

(7) Profiles of new parliamentary secretaries (Nikkei)

ARTICLES:

(1) Building relationship of trust a top priority for Hatoyama and
Obama

ASAHI (Page 2) (Excerpts)
September 24, 2009

Nao Fujita, Hiroshi Ito, New York

Hatoyama: Let us take the lead in making the world nuclear free

Prime Minister Yukio Hatoyama and U.S. President Barack Obama held
their first meeting (in New York on Sept. 23) at which they
confirmed their resolve to face up to common challenges, such as
global warming and nuclear disarmament. At the same time, friction
is expected to arise in the future over specific issues, such as a
review of U.S. bases in Okinawa and aid to Afghanistan. Hatoyama
diplomacy advocating an "equal Japan-U.S. relationship" has begun.

The word "change" helped bring Hatoyama and Obama closer to each
other.

President Obama: I congratulate the Democratic Party of Japan for
bringing about dramatic change in the country.

Prime Minister Hatoyama: I am here to thank the President and the
American people for giving me the courage to make change. They also
gave the Japanese people the courage to opt for a change of
government.

Hatoyama and Obama exchanged words for the third time following
their telephone conversation on Sept. 3 and their chat during the
dinner party the day before the UN climate change summit

Obama placed a telephone call to Hatoyama early on the morning of
Sept. 3 to congratulate him on the DPJ's landslide victory in the
(Aug. 30) general election. In the telephone conversation, Hatoyama
proposed close cooperation in climate change, disarmament, and the
economy with the aim of steering policy on a course toward dealing

TOKYO 00002247 002 OF 012


with global rather than controversial bilateral issues.

A monthly magazine published in August carried Hatoyama's essay that
caused a sensation by irritating the United States. The DPJ's
efforts to create an atmosphere of friendship did not go smoothly
partly because the security policy the DPJ advocated as an
opposition party was interpreted as strongly anti-American. The
Japan-U.S. relationship was regarded as the DPJ's Achilles heel.

In line with the position of former DPJ president Ichiro Ozawa, the
party was eyeing an equal Japan-U.S. alliance, a review of the
realignment of U.S. forces in Japan, a revision of the Japan-U.S.
Status of Forces Agreement, and ending the Maritime Self-Defense
Force's refueling mission in the Indian Ocean.

Japan experts in the United States continually warned DPJ executives
that all of those goals appeared anti-American.

The DPJ began correcting its course before the (Aug. 30) general
election, believing that shaky Japan-U.S. relations prevent the
Hatoyama administration from focusing on domestic issues of concern
to the people.

In mid-July, then Secretary General Katsuya Okada met with U.S.
Assistant Secretary of State Kurt Campbell. Okada told Campbell "we
will not put all outstanding issues on the table at the same time,"
indicating that (the DPJ administration) would place some issues on
the backburner.

"Let us take the lead in making the world nuclear free," Hatoyama
said to Obama in their first summit meeting, expressing his support
for Obama's vision of a nuclear-free world.

Obama: I look forward to visiting Japan in November

"We had good discussions from the viewpoint that the U.S.-Japan
alliance is vital," Obama said after his meeting with Hatoyama. "We
agreed to strengthen and deepen our alliance."

The U.S. government regards President Obama's first visit to Japan
in November as the crucial step in building cooperative relations
with the Hatoyama administration. Washington shared Tokyo's wishes
to create a positive environment through the first Japan-U.S.
summit.

"I think we will have many more talks in the future, and I look
forward to visiting Japan in November," Obama said to Hatoyama in an
effort to create an amicable atmosphere. Obama also expressed his
intention to resolve one issue at a time without referring to any
specific issues.

The Obama administration had shown consideration for the Hatoyama
administration in a series of talks ahead of the Hatoyama-Obama
meeting.

Secretary of State Hillary Clinton held talks with Foreign Minister
Katsuya Okada on Sept. 21 in which Clinton said regarding the
planned relocation of Futenma Air Station: "There is an existing
plan, but we are happy to answer and discuss any question the
Japanese government has." Clinton also expressed a stance of
accepting the Hatoyama administration's policy of not simply
extending the refueling mission in the Indian Ocean.

TOKYO 00002247 003 OF 012

At the same time, the Obama administration has drawn a line in the
sand.

"There is a plan--clearly we're going to hold discussions about it,
but where the discussions will lead, at this point, I can't
predict," Assistant Secretary of State Philip Crowley told the press
on Sept. 21, stopping short of saying that the U.S. government would
renegotiate the existing plan.

The line drawn in the sand reflects the political situation in
America.

Within the U.S. Marines there is opposition to the Futenma
relocation plan owing partly to concern over the conditions at the
relocation site. If Washington agrees to review the agreement with
Tokyo, its opponents might gain the upper hand. In addition, 60
percent of the American people oppose sending additional troops to
Afghanistan. Japan's indirect aid to Afghanistan is growing in
importance.

The other serious challenge for the Obama administration is reform
of the health care insurance system. The President's support ratings
have plummeted due to strong opposition from conservatives. There is
a possibility that President Obama will suspend his push for
healthcare reform to make the trip to Japan. That would make his
trip all the more important.

If Japan insists on a major review of the Futenma relocation plan
and presents no new Afghan aid plan, President Obama will find
himself in a tight spot and passage of a healthcare reform bill will
be dealt a blow. This helps explain why the administration is
sending Deputy Secretary of State James Steinberg to Japan later
this month and Secretary of Defense Robert Gates in October.

Center for Strategic and International Studies Japan Chair Michael
Green takes this view: "Prime Minister Hatoyama may be expecting
President Obama to soften his stance regarding the Afghan and
Okinawa issues once a relationship of trust with him is built. But
that is only wishful thinking."

(2) Editorial: Japan-U.S. summit; Further enhance pragmatic
decisions

SANKEI (Page 2) (Full)
September 25, 2009

Prime Minister Yukio Hatoyama, who is now visiting the U.S., and
President Obama at a summit agreed to further strengthen the
bilateral alliance and work together on such issues as North Korea,
nonproliferation, and climate change.

We would like to express our honest approval that the leaders of the
two countries reaffirmed that the Japan-US alliance is a
"cornerstone." However, it is of concern that specific issues, such
as supporting measures against terrorism and the U.S. Force Japan
realignment program, have been left as unfinished tasks. In order
for Japan and the U.S. to build true bonds of trust, it is
imperative for Prime Minister Hatoyama to respond to those agenda
items with specific actions, based on pragmatic decisions.

The summit was characterized as the highlight of Mr. Hatoyama's

TOKYO 00002247 004 OF 012


diplomatic debut. However, the meeting was brief - less than 40
minutes. The meeting left the impression that they just exchanged
principles and policy platforms. It appears that given the
U.S.-China summit, which lasted an hour and a half, the Japan-U.S.
summit did not get into in-depth discussion.

The U.S. is becoming increasingly concerned about the policy pledges
that Prime Minister Hatoyama and Foreign Minister Katsuya Okada are
advocating. This is why the meeting was so brief. They say that they
will not simply extend the Maritime Self-Defense Force's refueling
mission in the Indian Ocean. They have also been taking a position
to review the U.S. Forces Japan realignment program, including the
relocation of the Futenma Air Station, and the Japan-U.S. Status of
Forces Agreement.

The U.S. is alarmed about those issues because they affect the very
core of the alliance. Prime Minister Hatoyama has stopped short of
providing detailed accounts on the specifics of a "close and equal
Japan-U.S. alliance" and the relationship between his East Asian
Community initiative and the U.S.

If the leaders delve into the details of those pending issues or
specific subjects, many risk factors will be revealed that could
cause friction. Although neither Japan nor the U.S. wanted to touch
on them, it is clear that those issues cannot be put on the back
burner forever.

In particular, the due date for refueling operation in the Indian
Ocean is next January. The government says that it will look into
civilian assistance as an alternative measure. In any case, it must
come up with a concrete plan swiftly. The budget has already been
prepared for portions of the U.S. Forces realignment plan and parts
of the plan have been set in motion. Any delay in the government's
action in laying out a roadmap could damage the deterrence system of
Japan and the U.S.

It is also puzzling that Foreign Minister Okada used the word
"wakaba-mark (originally means those who have recently obtained a
driving license, but also refers to people who have just started
something), when speaking of international contributions by the
Self-Defense Forces (SDF). The SDF has steadily accumulated
experience in and knowledge of overseas peace contribution
activities. We wonder whether it was appropriate for the foreign
minister to use such words in his statement.

It is only natural for both leaders agreed to uphold the Japan-U.S.
cooperative structure in dealing with North Korea's nuclear and
abduction issues. It is fine for the two countries to cooperate on
nuclear disarmament and climate change. However, Japan must not lose
sight of the actual aspects of bilateral cooperation, including the
efficacy of the nuclear umbrella and the impact of an excessive cut
in greenhouse gas effects on the economy. We would like Prime
Minister Hatoyama to do his utmost in order to strengthen the
Japan-U.S. alliance, while bearing the interests of the nation and
its people in mind.

(3) PM Hatoyama's speech at UN General Assembly to become foreign
policy manifesto

ASAHI (Page 3) (Full)
September 25, 2009


TOKYO 00002247 005 OF 012


Nao Fujita (New York)

Prime Minister Yukio Hatoyama's speech at the United Nations in the
early hours of September 25 (Japan time) can be regarded as a
supplement to the election manifesto of the Democratic Party of
Japan (DPJ), which was short on foreign policy. Since he was in a
rush to attend the UN General Assembly right after his
administration's inauguration, he drafted this speech after
coordinating with the Ministry of Foreign Affairs. The speech
reflects an attempt to change tack to adapt to the reality of the
international community.

In this speech, the Prime Minister proudly declares the significance
of the change of government in Japan and promises "the new Japan
will not turn its back" on the challenges facing the world. His
speech is noteworthy for its heavy focus on bilateral relations with
North Korea.

In its campaign pledges the DPJ had stated that the issue of North
Korea's missile and nuclear (programs) is "absolutely unacceptable",
but it had not mentioned how it will handle Japan-DPRK relations.
However, under one of the "five challenges" cited in Hatoyama's UN
speech on denuclearization, Hatoyama voices his intention to
normalize diplomatic relations in accordance with the Japan-DPRK
Pyongyang Declaration. He sends the following message to North
Korea: "If the DPRK takes constructive and sincere actions, Japan is
ready to respond positively."

The Japan-DPRK Pyongyang Declaration is a document signed in 2002 by
then Prime Minister Junichiro Koizumi's during his visit to North
Korea. The declaration is an agreement for the two countries to
resume normalization talks. At the time the DPJ was critical of the
agreement because of public dissatisfaction with the fact that
although General Secretary Kim Jong Il admitted the abductions, what
he offered was far from a solution to the abduction issue.

Hatoyama's speech clearly indicates the Hatoyama administration has
opted to carry out a policy based on the Declaration. Mindful of
U.S. moves to engage in bilateral talks with the DPRK as early as
October to pave the way for the resumption of the Six-Party Talks,
the Prime Minister has shifted to reinstating the Declaration. This
is a clear indication that he is giving greater priority to setting
the stage for the resumption of dialogue than to concerns about
being criticized as weak-kneed toward North Korea.

In relation to the war against terrorism, Hatoyama cites the
civilian aid efforts for Afghanistan he previously mentioned at his
summit meeting with U.S. President Barack Obama. He explains that
this is because "reconciliation and reintegration of insurgents will
become critical issues in national reconstruction." It is believed
that he will indicate Japan's intention to play a leading role in
promoting peace.

Meanwhile, with regard to the East Asian community advocated by
Hatoyama, he cites "reducing the region's security risks and sharing
each others' economic dynamism" as the objectives of this concept
and enumerates areas of possible cooperation, including Free Trade
Agreements, finance, energy, and disaster relief. The question now
is how these proposals can be fleshed out ahead of the APEC summit
to be held in Singapore in November, in which the United States will
also participate.


TOKYO 00002247 006 OF 012


The speech also touches on pledges in domestic policies. The
expansion of domestic demand is viewed as part of the "response to
the global economic crisis." He presents the child allowances and
the abolition of the temporary tax rates for gasoline. He declares
that "through the change of power, Japan is sending a clear signal
of the forthcoming revival of its economy."

On greenhouse gas emission reduction, Hatoyama reiterates Japan's
mid-term target of reducing emissions by 25 percent from 1990
levels. Here he is clearly making a pledge that is opposed by
industrial and other sectors at home and an "international
commitment" to make this irreversible.

The Prime Minister had given greater importance to the speech at the
UN General Assembly even before the general election. He wanted to
impress upon world leaders the significance of the change of
government in Japan. The last sentence of the speech, "This
concludes my message from the new Japan," is the international
version of Hatoyama's first policy speech as prime minister.

(4) Bureaucrats baffled by "Hatoyama-style diplomacy"

SANKEI (Page 2) (Full)
September 24, 2009

Morimichi Imabori, New York

Prime Minister Yukio Hatoyama, who has made his diplomatic debut on
his current U.S. tour, is trying to exclude the involvement of
bureaucrats during his visit to New York in an effort to demonstrate
his political leadership. However, he appears to be at a loss for
words when he talks to the press after meetings, causing confusion
among the bureaucrats accompanying him.

Speaks in own words

Hatoyama held talks with Chinese President Hu Jintao immediately
after he arrived in New York on the evening of Sept. 21. Normally,
Japanese prime ministers discuss the details of their overseas
travel in advance with the Foreign Ministry's deputy ministers and
bureau director generals concerned. The bureaucrats make
arrangements with other countries before prime ministers visit
foreign countries. But as a result of repeating this procedure over
and over again, there have been cases in which the prime ministers
have ended up conducting talks that were completely orchestrated by
bureaucrats in advance.

Hatoyama, however, dispensed with "bureaucratic preparations" when
he met with Hu. He talked with the Chinese leader in his own words
for about one hour.

Hatoyama's UN speech drafted by senior vice minister

At a United Nations climate change summit meeting, as well, Hatoyama
stuck to the so-called Democratic Party of Japan's (DPJ) style,
which means that the speech he gave at the meeting was compiled by
Senior Vice Foreign Minister Tetsuro Fukuyama and other DPJ
lawmakers who have addressed global warming. Hatoyama did not allow
any foreign ministry officials to take part in the compilation of
the speech.

However, such politically-led decision-making gave rise to

TOKYO 00002247 007 OF 012


confusion.

Deputy chief cabinet secretary fails to give smooth explanation

Up until now, a deputy chief cabinet secretary accompanying the
prime minister has been in charge of explaining what was discussed
in meetings between the prime minister and foreign leaders.
Following this practice, Deputy Chief Cabinet Secretary Yorihisa
Matsuno gave an explanation after the Japan-China summit. However,
he failed to give a smooth explanation of the summit, disappointing
the press corps. There was even at point at which he was unable to
provide detailed explanations about what Hatoyama and Hu said during
their meeting.

When the Liberal Democratic Party held the reins of government, a
senior Foreign Ministry official who joined the deputy chief cabinet
secretary's press conference would provide supplementary
explanations if necessary. The bureaucrats who accompanied Matsuno
during his press briefing were uncertain about whether they should
support him or not.

One of the bureaucrats accompanying Hatoyama said with expectation,
"Politically-led decision-making means that politicians assume all
the responsibility. This is good." However, another bureaucrat said,
"I still don't know how to work with the DPJ-led government." Even
on the diplomatic front, there are still contradictions between
political leadership and administrative arrangements.

(5) ConGen Greene stresses promotion of Futenma relocation within
Okinawa, to seek DPJ's understanding

RYUKYU SHIMPO (Page 2) (Full)
September 25, 2009

Raymond Greene, U.S. consul general in Okinawa, held his first news
conference after taking up his post at the Consulate General in
Urasoe City on September 24. Regarding the plan for the relocation
of the U.S. forces' Futenma Air Station, Greene stated that, "(The
U.S. position) that the existing Japan-U.S. agreement is realistic
because Futenma needs to be relocated as soon as possible remains
unchanged," stressing that the U.S. stance is to promote the plan to
relocate the Futenma base to Henoko in Nago City.

Commenting on the Democratic Party of Japan's (DPJ) advocacy of
relocation out of Okinawa or out of Japan, Greene said: "I am aware
that the DPJ has doubts about the U.S. Forces Japan (USFJ)
realignment package (including Futenma relocation). We will make
efforts to explain the history, background, and objectives through
diplomatic channels in order to seek its understanding." He
indicated his intention to seek the DPJ administration's
understanding of the existing plans.

Regarding the proposal to merge Futenma with Kadena Air Base, Greene
explained the history of the proposal, telling the press: "This was
also studied in the process of USFJ realignment in the late 1990s.
The noise will become even worse if 60-70 planes are moved from
Futenma to Kadena. It was decided that this was not feasible not
only because of operational issues but also because of the major
(noise) problem for the local communities."

On the question of the revision of the Japan-U.S. Status of Forces
Agreement (SOFA), Greene refrained from giving direct a comment. He

TOKYO 00002247 008 OF 012


stated that, "It is not as if there has been no change at all in 60
years. Improvement of operations has been implemented. While I am
not negative (about this demand), I am not in a position to comment
on this complicated issue."

(6) Poll on Hatoyama cabinet, political parties

TOKYO SHIMBUN (Page 4) (Abridged)
September 18, 2009

Questions & Answers
(Figures shown in percentage. Parentheses denote the results of the
last survey conducted Aug. 31-Sept. 1.)

Q: Do you support the newly launched Hatoyama cabinet?

Yes 72.0
No 13.1
Don't know (D/K) + no answer (N/A) 14.9

Q: (Only for those who answered "yes" to the previous question)
What's the primary reason for your approval of the Hatoyama cabinet?
Pick only one from among those listed below.

The prime minister is trustworthy 12.1
Because it's a coalition cabinet of the Democratic Party of Japan,
Social Democratic Party, and People's New Party 7.4
The prime minister has leadership ability 3.1
Something can be expected of its economic policies 16.4
Something can be expected of its foreign policies 3.1
Something can be expected of its political reforms 29.2
Something can be expected of its tax reforms 3.4
Something can be expected of its administrative reforms 10.2
There's no other appropriate person (for prime minister) 11.7
Other answers (O/A) 0.8
D/K+N/A 2.6


Q: (Only for those who answered "no" to the first question) What's
the primary reason for your disapproval of the Hatoyama cabinet?
Pick only one from among those listed below.

The prime minister is untrustworthy 16.5
Because it's a coalition cabinet of the Democratic Party of Japan,
Social Democratic Party, and People's New Party 19.7
The prime minister lacks leadership ability 5.7
Nothing can be expected of its economic policies 35.0
Nothing can be expected of its foreign policies 4.9
Nothing can be expected of its political reforms 3.8
Nothing can be expected of its tax reforms 2.7
Nothing can be expected of its administrative reforms 3.1
Don't like the prime minister's personal character 5.8
O/A 0.9
D/K+N/A 1.9

Q: Which political party do you support?

Democratic Party of Japan (DPJ or Minshuto) 47.6 (41.1)
Liberal Democratic Party (LDP or Jiminto) 18.8 (19.0)
New Komeito (NK) 3.7 (5.1)
Japanese Communist Party (JCP) 3.1 (3.4)
Social Democratic Party (SDP or Shaminto) 1.8 (2.1)

TOKYO 00002247 009 OF 012


Your Party (YP or Minna no To) 1.4 (2.4)
People's New Party (PNP or Kokumin Shinto) 0.4 (1.5)
New Party Nippon (NPN or Shinto Nippon) --- (0.1)
Other political parties, groups --- (0.1)
None 21.6 (22.9)
D/K+N/A 1.6 (2.3)

Q: What do you think the Hatoyama cabinet should tackle on a
priority basis? Pick up to two.

Economic stimulus, job security 35.5 (40.2)
Social security, including pension reform 37.1 (35.2)
Administrative, fiscal reforms, such as eliminating the waste of tax
money 44.8 (39.7)
Public service reform, such as prohibiting amakudari (practice of
placing high-level government officials in executive posts at public
corporations or private businesses after retirement) 15.6 (19.0)
Childcare support, including child allowance payouts 19.8 (17.3)
Switch from bureaucrat-led government to politician-led government
9.3 (8.2)
Politics-and-money issues, such as prohibiting corporate
contributions 4.3 (6.6)
Toll-free expressways 3.5 (2.7)
Social disparity 3.7 (5.4)
Drastic tax reform 5.1 (7.5)
Foreign, security policies 4.4 (6.3)
O/A 1.1 (0.6)
D/K+N/A 3.0 (1.9)

Polling methodology: This survey was conducted across the nation on
Sept. 16-17 by Kyodo News Service on a computer-aided random digit
dialing (RDD) basis. Among randomly generated telephone numbers,
those actually for household use with one or more eligible voters
totaled 1,442. Answers were obtained from 1,032 persons.

7) Profiles of new parliamentary secretaries

NIKKEI (Page 4) (Full)
September 19, 2009

(Cabinet Office)

Kenta Izumi
Graduated from Ritsumeikan University; former Democratic Party of
Japan (DPJ) policy research committee vice chairman, former House of
Representatives cabinet committee director; Lower House Kyoto No. 3
district; third term; 35 (Maehara group in the DPJ)

Kenji Tamura
University of Tokyo; former finance ministry personnel, former DPJ
tax research committee deputy chief (jicho); Lower House Shizuoka
No. 4 district; third term; 41 (Noda group)

Keisuke Tsumura
University of Tokyo; former Bank of Japan personnel, former Lower
House security committee director; Lower House Okayama No. 2
district; third term; 37 (Kan group)

(Internal Affairs and Communications Ministry)

Junya Ogawa
University of Tokyo; former internal affairs and communications

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ministry assistant division director, Lower House internal affairs
and communications committee member; Lower House Kagawa No. 1
district; second term; 38 (Maehara group)

Takeshi Shina
University of Tokyo Graduate School; former lawyer, former Lower
House financial affairs committee member; Lower House Iwate No. 1
district; second term; 42 (Ozawa group)

Seiken Hasegawa
University of Tokyo; ex-vice minister for policy coordination of the
former posts and telecommunications ministry, former DPJ vice
secretary general; Upper House proportional representation; first
term (People's New Party (PNP))

(Justice Ministry)

Tetsuji Nakamura
Kyoto University; former DPJ Upper House vice secretary general,
former Upper House health, labor and welfare committee director;
Upper House Nara constituency; first term (two terms in Lower
House); 38

(Foreign Ministry)

Shuji Kira
University of Tokyo; former DPJ vice secretary general, former DPJ
policy research committee vice chairman; Lower House Oita No. 1
district; third term; 51 (Ozawa group)

Chinami Nishimura
Niigata University Graduate School; former Niigata prefectural
assembly member, former Lower House cabinet committee member; Lower
House Niigata No. 1 district; third term; 42 (Kan group)

(Finance Ministry)

Hiroshi Ogushi
University of Tokyo; former finance ministry personnel, former DPJ
policy research committee vice chairman; Lower House Saga No. 2
district; second term; 44

Shinichiro Furumoto
Ritsumeikan University; former Lower House finance committee
director, former DPJ vice secretary general; Lower House Aichi No.
11 district; third term; 44 (DPJ group affiliated with the former
Democratic Socialist Party)

(Education, Culture, sports, and Science and Technology Ministry)

Hitoshi Goto
Tohoku University; former agriculture ministry assistant division
director, Lower House land, infrastructure, and transport committee
director; Lower House Yamanashi No. 3 district; third term; 52

Miho Takai
Waseda University; former company employee, former DPJ public
relations committee deputy chief (dairi); Lower House Tokushima No.
2 district; third term; 37 (Maehara group)

(Health, Labor and Welfare Ministry)


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Kazunori Yamanoi
Kyoto University Graduate School, Matsushita Institute of Government
and Management; Lower House health, labor and welfare committee
director; Lower House Kyoto No. 6 district; fourth term; 47 (Maehara
group)

Shinya Adachi
Tsukuba University; former associate professor at Tsukuba
University, former Upper House health, labor and welfare committee
member; Upper House Oita constituency; first term; 52 (Hatoyama
group)

(Agriculture, Forestry and Fisheries Ministry)

Takahiro Sasaki
Shibetsu High School; former Hokkaido prefectural assembly member,
former DPJ election campaign committee deputy chief (dairi); Lower
House Hokkaido No. 6 district; second term; 60 (DPJ group affiliated
with former Japan Socialist Party)

Yasue Funayama
Hokkaido University; former farm ministry personnel, former Upper
House agriculture, forestry and fisheries committee member; Upper
House Yamagata constituency; first term; 43 (Hatoyama group)

(Economy, Trade and Industry Ministry)

Yosuke Kondo
Keio University; former Nikkei reporter, former DPJ policy research
committee vice chairman; Lower House Yamagata No. 2 district; third
term; 44 (Noda group)

Chiaki Takahashi
Meiji University; former agricultural cooperative employee, former
Upper House agriculture, forestry and fisheries committee director;
Upper House Mie constituency; third term; 53

(Land, Infrastructure and Transport Ministry)

Takashi Nagayasu
University of Tokyo; former company executive, former DPJ vice
secretary general; Lower House Osaka No. 19 district; third term;
41

Taizo Mikazuki
Hitotsubashi University; former Lower House land, infrastructure and
land committee director, former DPJ vice secretary general; Lower
House Shiga No. 3 district; 38 (DPJ group affiliated with the former
Democratic Socialist Party)

Yuji Fujimoto
Michigan State University Graduate School; former Upper House
cabinet committee member, former DPJ policy research committee vice
chairman; Upper House Shizuoka constituency; first term; 52 (Noda
group)

(Environment Ministry)

Nobumori Otani
George Washington University Graduate School; former Lower House
foreign affairs committee director; Lower House Osaka No. 9
district; third term; 46 (Hatoyama group)

TOKYO 00002247 012 OF 012

(Defense Ministry)

Daizo Kusuda
University of Tokyo; former bank employee, former Lower House
cabinet committee member; Lower House Fukuoka No. 5 district; third
term; 34 (Tsutomu Hata group)

Akihisa Nagashima
Keio University Graduate School; former DPJ vice secretary general,
former Lower House special committee on abductions; Lower House
Tokyo No. 21 district; third term; 47 (Noda group)

ROOS

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