Cablegate: Daily Summary of Japanese Press 11/02/09

DE RUEHKO #2532/01 3072112
P 032112Z NOV 09




E.O. 12958: N/A



(1) Discord in Hatoyama cabinet on Futenma relocation (Mainichi)

(2) Editorial: Fatigue of foreign minister who is obsessed with
Kadena is worrying (Nikkei)

(3) Harvard University Prof. Joseph Nye: Major change might wreck
progress in negotiations on Futenma relocation (Sankei)

(4) Investigative authorities suspect dependents of U.S. service
members at Yokota Air Base involved in motorcycle accident (Sankei)

(5) Scramble for lithium in South America: Sharp increase in demand
for raw materials for batteries for cell phones, eco-cars (Asahi)

(6) Poll on the Constitution of Japan (Mainichi)

(7) Poll on reading (Yomiuri)


(1) Discord in Hatoyama cabinet on Futenma relocation

MAINICHI (Pages 1, 3) (Full)
November 2, 2009

Thirteen years after the agreement on the return of the U.S. forces'
Futenma Air Station, Defense Minister Toshimi Kitazawa is rushing
the relocation to the coastal area of Camp Schwab in line with the
Japan-U.S. agreement; Foreign Minister Katsuya Okada has shifted
gear to advocating a plan to merge Futenma with Kadena Air Base; and
Prime Minister Yukio Hatoyama is taking a long-term view, saying, "I
will be the one to make the final decision." This article looks at
Hatoyama cabinet members' conflicting motives for their stances on
U.S. Forces Japan (USFJ) realignment issues.

During his flight aboard the government plane to Thailand to attend
the ASEAN summit meetings on the evening of Oct. 23, Hatoyama called
Chief Cabinet Secretary Hirofumi Hirano on his cell phone and told
him: "Messrs. Okada and Kitazawa are both working very hard on this
issue. I would like to watch how things unfold. You should do the

Before he left for his trip, Okada had negated the Japan-U.S.
agreement of 2006 on the relocation of the Futenma base (in Ginowan
City, Okinawa) to the coastal area of Camp Schwab (in Henoko, Nago
City) where V-shape runways would be built and proposed the merger
of Futenma with Kadena Air Base, a plan that was once examined and
rejected by the two governments. His differences with Kitazawa, who
favors carrying out the agreed plan, came into the open, and there
has been increasing criticism of the "discord" inside the cabinet.

During his visit to Japan, U.S. Secretary of Defense Robert Gates on
Oct. 20 pressed for the implementation of the existing plan and
asked for a decision before U.S. President Barack Obama's visit from
Nov. 12. This inflamed the Futenma issue. During the recent House of
Representatives election the Democratic Party of Japan (DPJ) had
pledged the relocation of the Futenma base out of Okinawa, so this
caused the Hatoyama administration to scramble to find ways to
reconcile the current Futenma relocation plan with its election

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pledge, resulting in discrepancies in the ministers' response.

Yet, Hatoyama appeared unruffled by U.S. "pressure" and the upheaval
inside the cabinet. In contrast to Kitazawa, who wants a conclusion
by President Obama's visit, and Okada, who is aiming at a solution
before year end, he is sticking to his position of deferring a
decision until after the Nago mayoral election in January.

Hatoyama's aides explain what is on the mind of the Prime Minister
-- who does not prohibit his ministers from making various
statements in the name of upholding politician-led decision-making
and insists that "I will be the one to make the final decision" --
as follows: "If he submits to the U.S.'s dictate, it would amount to
following apting the Liberal Democratic Party administration's
policy of following the U.S. blindly" (remarks at the House of
Councillors plenary session on Oct. 30). It is apparent that he is
using this issue as a litmus test of "departure" from the "diplomacy
of subservience to the U.S."

Hatoyama has adopted a noncompliant attitude toward the U.S.
However, his own words and actions are partly responsible for the

On July 21, the day the Lower House was dissolved, the DPJ's Seiji
Maehara (currently minister of land, infrastructure, transport, and
tourism) and Akihisa Nagashima (currently parliamentary secretary of
defense) called out to Hatoyama in the Diet and asked him: "What do
you intend to do?" Hatoyama had just stated in Okinawa City two days
earlier that he will "take action to at least relocate (the Futenma
base) out of Okinawa." Maehara and Nagashima, who have strong
connections with the U.S., became seriously concerned.

Relocation out of Okinawa was a policy included in the DPJ's Okinawa
Vision compiled in July 2008. In June, Maehara, who visited the U.S.
with Koichi Takemasa (currently senior vice minister of foreign
affairs) and the author of draft of the Okinawa Vision, had met with
former U.S. Deputy Assistant Secretary of Defense (currently
assistant secretary of state) Kurt Campbell - who was a negotiator
for the agreement on Futenma's return and later called for revising
the Camp Schwab relocation plan -- and other U.S. officials. Maehara
came back convinced that "the Futenma issue can be renegotiated from
scratch under an Obama administration."

However, after the Obama administration was launched in January
2009, the U.S. Department of Defense confirmed that it will carry on
with the existing plan. Maehara's and others' prediction was off
the mark, so the manifesto for the Lower House election regressed to
an abstract expression that the DPJ will "deal with the issues of
U.S. military bases in Japan in the direction of a review."
Nevertheless, Hatoyama's statement is still regarded as a pledge in
Okinawa even today, so he is not in a position to simply betray
Okinawa's expectations.

Okada's proposal on Futenma-Kadena merger is an attempt to strike a
balance between giving up on relocation out of Okinawa and reducing
the burden on Okinawa.

At his meeting with USFJ Commander Edward Rice and U.S. Ambassador
John Roos at the Ministry of Foreign Affairs (MOFA) on Oct. 29,
Okada stressed: "A change of administration has taken place in
Japan. It will not do to ask us to proceed as promised (by the
previous administration)." However, the U.S. side indicated

TOKYO 00002532 003 OF 014

repeatedly that the merger plan proposed by Okada "is not possible"
for the following reasons: (1) this will undermine the capacity to
respond to contingencies; and (2) the presence of Marines mainly
comprising helicopter units on a base where the Air Force's fighters
are permanently deployed will undermine base functions.

The Kadena merger plan was considered twice in the past: first in
1996 at the Japan-U.S. Special Action Committee on Okinawa (SACO) as
a proposal to downsize bases in Okinawa. It was rejected, with an
agreement being reached on constructing a removable replacement
facility offshore. However, this facility was changed to an airport
for joint military and civilian use with a 2,000-meter runway under
the basic relocation plan of 2002.

Subsequently the basic plan became deadlocked, so the U.S. side
presented various proposals for revising the original plan from 2003
onward, including the Kadena merger plan. At that time, the Defense
Agency considered a proposal to construct heliports in the Kadena
ammunition depot area, while MOFA endorsed a proposal to downsize
the plan to reclaim land in waters off Henoko (the "Nago light"
proposal), but these proposals faded out.

In the end, the Defense Agency pressed for the plan to relocate the
heliport to the coastal area of Camp Schwab as a compromise, but in
the bilateral agreement reached in May 2006, the plan was further
transformed into a massive public work project with two runways.
Nagashima and others who are familiar with the process led by the
LDP held study meetings in the DPJ on this issue and suggested the
Kadena merger plan to Okada, who was then DPJ secretary general, in
July, before the Lower House election. Okada regarded this as a
"realistic plan" that will reduce the cost and time required for
Futenma's return by utilizing existing base facilities.

After Okada became foreign minister, he conveyed his doubts to
senior MOFA bureaucrats that "spending 400 billion yen (in
construction cost) to reclaim that sea area just doesn't make sense
to me" and instructed them to re-examine the process that led to the

While like the Prime Minister, Kitazawa's focus is on Okinawa, the
Ministry of Defense (MOD), which serves as the communication channel
with Okinawa, faces some unique problems.

On Oct. 28, Tsuyoshi Gibu, mayor of the town of Kin, who has been
involved with the Futenma relocation issue for many years as the
leader of a municipality adjacent to Nago City, told Hirano at the
Prime Minister's Official Residence (Kantei) on Oct. 28: "Prime
Minister Hatoyama is saying that he will make a decision after
looking at the outcome of the election, but we want him not to make
a decision in a way that will sharply split the people of Okinawa."

To the local governments in Okinawa, which were once forced to make
a bitter decision to accept Futenma's relocation within the
prefecture, the government's zigzagging is perceived as an act of
betrayal. The Prime Minister's statement that he will gauge the will
of the people of Okinawa through the outcome of the Nago mayor
election in January has given rise to suspicions that he is
"shifting the responsibility (onto Okinawa) again." The MOD, which
is at the forefront of negotiations with the local communities, is
increasingly critical of the Prime Minister. A senior MOD official
said, "His sense as a politician is questionable."

TOKYO 00002532 004 OF 014

Kitazawa's position on seeking a solution in line with the existing
plan reflects the mood in the MOD. On Oct. 17, he dispatched
Director General Genzo Inoue of the Bureau of Local Cooperation to
inspect the Kadena ammunition depot, the Shimoji island airfield,
and other sites that were once proposed as relocation sites, showing
his intention to look for alternative plans. However, he concluded
in all cases that relocation will be "difficult." There is also an
opinion that the exercise was for the purpose of persuading Okada,
who still insists on the Kadena merger plan.

Kitazawa stated at the interpellation at the House of Councillors
plenary session on Oct. 30: "Politics that takes the popular will
lightly will face the retaliation of popular will."

Hatoyama does not rule out the possibility of relocation out of
Okinawa; Okada is working for Futenma's merger with the Kadena base;
and Kitazawa accepts relocation to Henoko. All three attach
importance to reducing the burden on Okinawa, but they all differ in
their perception of popular will.

On his part, Gibu expresses his frustration: "While they will indeed
spend time examining various plans, is the acceptance of the current
plan their actual intention in the end?" If the Okinawans are
betrayed after their expectations for relocation out of Okinawa are
raised by the administration, the Hatoyama administration will face
a backlash.

President Obama will be visiting Japan in 10 days. The Prime
Minister keeps saying "there is no need to come up with a conclusion
before the visit." How does he propose to integrate the complex and
interconnected factors of demonstrating a change from the previous
LDP-New Komeito administration, build a "close and equal Japan-U.S.
alliance," and show sympathy for Okinawa all at one fell swoop? The
leadership of the Prime Minister, who has decided to adopt a
wait-and-see attitude, will be put to test on various occasions from
now on.

(2) Editorial: Fatigue of foreign minister who is obsessed with
Kadena is worrying

NIKKEI (Page 2) (Full)
November 1, 2009

Foreign Minister Katsuya Okada seems a little tired. We are worried
about him.

He wants to visit the United States armed with a plan to integrate
Futenma Air Station, a U.S. Marine Corps helicopter base, with
Kadena Air Base. But if he meets Secretary of State Hillary Clinton
without carrying out prior coordination in the cabinet and local
governments, he will be told to organize opinions in Japan first.

Shortly after assuming office, Foreign Minister Okada flew to New
York and met with his counterparts from other countries on the
sidelines of the UN General Assembly. Soon after returning to Japan,
the foreign minister made a tour of South Korea, China, Afghanistan,
Pakistan, and Indonesia. He must have done his homework in
preparation for the extraordinary Diet session as well.

Okada is 56 years old, which is not young. He apparently cannot get
over his exhaustion from this summer's House of Representatives
election. His remarks on the Futenma issue particularly have given

TOKYO 00002532 005 OF 014

us the impression that the foreign minister has not had enough time
to rest his body and mind.

The foreign minister is obsessed with the Kadena merger plan, while
Defense Minister Toshimi Kitazawa's thinking is close to what was
agreed upon between Japan and the United States. But both want to
reach a conclusion swiftly. Meanwhile, Prime Minister Yukio Hatoyama
has not mentioned any specific options. He has indicated that he
will take his time to reach a conclusion.

Differing views among the Prime Minister, foreign minister, and
defense minister have undermined trust in Japan's foreign policy and
the Hatoyama administration.

The foreign minister's stance on the Kadena plan remains unclear. To
Okinawa Gov. Hirokazu Nakaima, he explained that it was his
"personal idea." Asked by a Liberal Democratic Party member during a
House of Councillors plenary session, he replied that he made the
"statement in his capacity as foreign minister." Those responses
seem haphazard and are uncharacteristic of Okada, who attaches
importance to logic.

The Kadena plan, which does not require the construction of a new
base, seems highly feasible. But there is a solid reason why the
option, once studied more than 10 years ago, was not adopted.

The U.S. military pointed out the operational difficulty in allowing
fixed-wing aircraft, such as fighters, and rotary-wing helicopters
to take off and land on the same base. Kadena and other
municipalities opposed the option, saying that they would be forced
to bear a greater burden, including noise.

Okada must have learned of those developments from U.S. Forces Japan
Commander Lt. Gen. Edward Rice and Nakaima.

The foreign minister is examining the process of past negotiations
between Japan and the United States. He should take a firsthand look
at the sites in question before reading documents and thinking with
his head. We want to see Okada visit Futenma, Kadena, and Henoko,
listen to the opinions of persons concerned, and think about the
matter with an open mind before rushing to visit the United States.

The Prime Minister has said that the foreign minister should not
have commented on the Emperor's "words" at the opening ceremonies of
Diet sessions. Okada is naturally humble and careful. We think he
made this comment that drew criticism from the Prime Minister
because of his fatigue, which he might not be aware of. If this is
not the case, the situation will become more serious.

(3) Harvard University Prof. Joseph Nye: Major change might wreck
progress in negotiations on Futenma relocation

SANKEI (Page 3) (Full)
October 31, 2009

Takashi Arimoto, Washington

Harvard University Professor Joseph Nye on Oct. 30 said in a strong
tone of voice to the Sankei Shimbun that the Japanese government
should accept the existing plan to relocate the U.S. Marine Corps'
Futenma Air Station to a coastal area of Camp Schwab, citing there
is a risk that Tokyo's call for making significant changes to the

TOKYO 00002532 006 OF 014

Futenma relocation plan will wreck the progress made in negotiations
between the two countries.

At a U.S. congressional hearing in June before the inauguration of
the Hatoyama administration, Nye predicted that friction would occur
in the Japan-U.S. alliance.

"When a new government is inaugurated by a political party that
advocates the need for a change in the election, it is unavoidable
that a certain amount of friction will occur. I don't think the
current friction is any greater than I imagined," said Nye. He
warned: "There is a possibility that if the Japanese government
seeks a perfect solution to the Futenma base, it will regard a good
solution as an enemy. There is a risk that Japan's call for a major
change will spoil all the efforts made by the two countries up until

Nye pointed out that the Futenma issue has continued since he served
as assistant secretary of defense (from 1994 to 1995) when President
Bill Clinton was in office.

"I don't want to see the United States and Japan spending another 14
years on this issue. It would be best to remove the Futenma issue
from the agenda between the two countries by compromising on the
existing agreement," said Nye.

In reference to the fact that Prime Minister Yukio Hatoyama has made
it clear that he plans to move forward in reexamining the Japan-U.S.
alliance given that next year marks the 50th anniversary of the
revision of the Japan-U.S. Security Treaty, Nye said: "The security
treaty has become the foundation for stability in East Asia. It can
be said that next year will be a year to reconfirm the importance of
Japan-U.S security arrangements."

Moreover, he noted that the present situation is similar to the year
of 1996 when former President Clinton and former Prime Minister
Ryutaro Hashimoto signed the Japan-U.S. Joint Declaration on
Security. "There was economic friction at that time. Even if there
are differences, the security treaty will benefit the two countries.
In addition to North Korea, China, which has been gaining economic
strength, is also Japan's neighbor. Therefore, Japan's alliance with
the United States is a realistic approach. I hope that a new
declaration will be issued."

(4) Investigative authorities suspect dependents of U.S. service
members at Yokota Air Base involved in motorcycle accident

SANKEI (Page 23) (Full)
October 31, 2009

In an investigation into an incident in August in which a female
rider was seriously injured after falling off her motorcycle in
Musashimurayama City, Tokyo, police now suspect that several
dependents of U.S. military personnel at U.S. Yokota Air Base -
located near the site of the incident - were involved in the
incident. The Sankei Shimbun obtained this information in an
interview with investigative authorities yesterday. The police began
to suspect this possibility based on eyewitness testimonies and
images taken by security cameras. The Second Organized Crime Section
of the National Police Department (MPD) is stepping up its efforts
to search for evidence in the case.

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According to the MPD, a female company employee, 23, fell off her
motorcycle after running into a rope strung across the street, and
fractured her skull at around 11:30 p.m. on August 13.

The synthetic fiber rope was strung across the street between a
pillar in front of the entrance of a warehouse of a trucking company
and an electric pole. The rope is usually strung between two poles
in front of the entrance of the warehouse with the aim of keeping
all unauthorized automobiles out.

When a patrol car passed along the street at around 11:10 p.m., the
rope was not strung across the street. Police believe that the rope
was tied there during a period of about 20 minutes between 11:10
p.m. and 11:30 p.m. when the accident took place.

The NPD believes that the accident was caused as a result of
malicious mischief, and is investigating the incident as an
attempted murder case. According to the investigative authorities,
when one car arrived at the scene just after the incident, young
foreigners stood in its way and prevented it from passing through.
The driver of the car said he saw a motorcycle lying on the ground
behind the foreigners at that time.

The injured woman also said: "I saw foreigners." Furthermore, a
security camera recorded a suspicious young foreigner passing an
area near the site of the incident on a bicycle just before the

The police have yet to obtain evidence that identifies the
offenders, such as fingerprints. But as a result of the analysis of
the images taken by cameras, the NPD has come to suspect that
several dependents of U.S. service members were involved in the

Under the Japan-U.S. Status of Forces Agreement, which stipulates
the legal status of U.S. military personnel in Japan, family members
of military personnel are placed outside the reach of the agreement.
Given this, observers take the view that there should be no obstacle
for the Japanese side to carry out the necessary penal procedures.

(5) Scramble for lithium in South America: Sharp increase in demand
for raw materials for batteries for cell phones, eco-cars

ASAHI (Page 7) (Excerpts)
November 1, 2009

Toshihiko Katsuta, Atakama Salt Lake, Chile

Demand for lithium as a material for rechargeable batteries for PCs,
cell-phones and electric cars is on the sharp rise. There is a
fierce scramble for the material in South America, which reportedly
has 80 percent of lithium reserves. Japan, which is one of the
largest battery-producing countries, is frantic about securing the
material. I visited lithium-production sites in Chile.

Eighty percent of the world's lithium reserves lying at bottom of
salt lake

The area of Atakama Salt Lake is roughly 3,000 square kilometers,
which is equivalent to the area of the sand dunes in Tottori
Prefecture. Although it is called a salt lake, only scattered parts
are covered with water. Most of the lake is covered with sandy

TOKYO 00002532 008 OF 014

pieces of rock salt.

Lithium lies more than 10 meters beneath the lake bed. I learned
that snowmelt from the Andes penetrates the layers of rock salt and
melts lithium salt as it seeps to the lake bottom.

SQM, a leading Chilean company operating at the lake, draws water
from about 200 wells. The water is kept in dozens of evaporation
ponds, each as big as a soccer ground. The water is left in the
ponds for about 10 months for solar evaporation. As the
concentration of lithium in the water becomes high, the water
becomes increasingly yellowish.

Japan desperate to secure stable supply

Competition to secure lithium has already started. Lithium-ion cells
manufactured by Japanese companies command nearly 50 percent of the
global production. Japan relies on imported lithium. The greatest
supplier is Chile. Most of Chile's lithium is produced at Atakama
Salt Lake. A number of business people from Japanese companies have
visited SQM.

At present South America produces 50 percent of the world's lithium.
There are Uyuni Salt Lake (Bolivia), and Rincon Salt Lake
(Argentine) in the region bordering Chile, Bolivia and Argentina. It
is said that the three salt lakes alone account for 80 percent of
Lithium reserves in the world, if those that cannot be developed are

Japan Oil, Gas and Metals National Corporation (JOGMEC), an
independent administrative agency, and Sumitomo Corporation have
begun talks with the Bolivian government on the development of
lithium at Uyuni Salt Lake.

Bolivians remember that Spain, its former colonial master, once
exploited their silver reserves. As such, although they are
appreciative of Japan's offers for technological cooperation and
financial assistance, they are negative toward the idea of
conducting joint development, insisting they want to develop lithium
on their own. A JOBMEC executive said, "Bolivia is protective."

South Korea, the largest lithium-cell producer next to Japan, and
France are also interested in Uyuni Salt Lake.

Korea Resources Corporation President Kim Shin Jong said during an
interview given to the Chonsun Ilbo, "We will go abroad and win the
future battle for lithium by all means."

(6) Poll on the Constitution of Japan

MAINICHI (Page 11) (Full)
November 1, 2009

Questions & Answers
(T = total; P = previous; M = male; F = female)

Q: Are you interested in debate on amending the Constitution?

Very interested 14 19 9
Somewhat interested 52 51 54
Not very interested 26 23 28

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Not interested at all 7 6 8

Q: Do you approve of amending the Constitution?

Yes 58 62 55
No 32 32 32

Q: (Only for those who answered "yes" to the foregoing question)

Because the present Constitution is not appropriate for the times 54
55 52
Because the present Constitution was imposed by the U.S. 10 12 9
Because the present Constitution has never been amended since its
enactment 22 17 27
Because there is a gap between the Self-Defense Forces' activities
and Constitution Article 9 9 13 6
Because the present Constitution honors individual rights
excessively 3 2 3

Q: (Only for those who answered "yes" to the foregoing question) How
do you think the Constitution should be amended? (Up to three)

Rewrite the Constitution into Japanese language that is easy to
understand because its current wording sounds like translatese 36
33 38
Define the Self-Defense Forces clearly 37 43 30
Allow Japan to exercise its right to collective self-defense 13 20
Review the Emperor-as-a-symbol system 9 9 9
Abolish the Diet's bicameral system and adopt a unicameral
legislature 15 17 14
Introduce a direct vote for the people to elect the prime minister
42 40 44
Expand decentralization even more 32 36 27
Create new rights for the people 22 18 26
Incorporate new obligations for the people 14 14 14
Ease requirements for amending the Constitution 14 14 15

Q: (Only for those who answered "no" to the foregoing question)

Because the present Constitution is appropriate for the times 8 9
Because there is no definite reason to amend the present
Constitution 32 36 29
Because Constitution Article 9 might be amended 36 34 38
Because individual rights might be restricted or individual
obligations might be stipulated 5 5 5
Because it can't be said that the public and political parties have
conducted thorough discussions 17 15 19

Q: Constitution Article 9 stipulates Japan's renunciation of war in
its first paragraph and Japan's not maintaining a military in its
second paragraph. What do you think about amending Article 9?

It should be amended in some way 48 55 42

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It should not be amended at all 43 40 46

Q: (Only for those who answered "it should be amended in some way")
How do you think should be amended?

Amend only the first paragraph that stipulates Japan's renunciation
of war 9 10 9
Amend only the second paragraph that stipulates Japan's not
maintaining a military 26 32 20
Amend both paragraphs 17 19 13
Add a new clause 44 37 53

Q: Do you like America as a country?

Yes 18 21 15
Yes to a certain degree 58 55 60
No to a certain degree 16 16 17
No 3 3 3

Q: How have your feelings toward America changed since President
Obama was sworn in this January?

Like even more 17 15 19
Dislike even more 1 1 1
Unchanged 80 82 77

Q: Do you think Japan's foreign and security policies should be
oriented toward the United Nations, or do you think Japan should
prioritize cooperation with the United States?

U.N.-oriented 76 76 76
Cooperation with the U.S. 17 20 15

Q: Japan is currently conducting Maritime Self-Defense Force's
refueling activities in the Indian Ocean for U.S. and other foreign
naval vessels in order to support the war on terror in Afghanistan.
The MSDF's refueling mission there, however, is to end in January
next year. Do you approve of extending the refueling mission?

Yes 48 55 42
No 44 40 48

Q: The SDF's overseas activities, with the exception of its
participation in United Nations peacekeeping operations and disaster
relief operations, have been conducted under a time-limited special
measures law as in the case of its refueling mission in the Indian
Ocean and its assistance for Iraq. There is an opinion suggesting
the need to make an indefinite, permanent law that allows Japan to
send the SDF abroad as needed. Do you approve of this opinion?

Yes 36 42 31
No 56 53 59

Q: What do you think Japan should do in terms of the SDF's overseas
activities in the future?

TOKYO 00002532 011 OF 014

Japan should never ever send the SDF abroad 9 8 9
Japan may go so far as to participate in PKOs after a ceasefire 53
51 55
Japan may go so far as to send the SDF to a country at war to help
with its reconstruction 23 26 21
Japan may go so far as to use armed force depending on circumstances
10 13 8

Q: Japan has been making it a basic policy to maintain its three
nonnuclear principles of not producing, possessing, or allowing
nuclear weapons into the country. According to a former Foreign
Ministry bureaucrat's account, however, there was a secret deal
between Japan and the United States when the two countries revised
their security pact. This secret deal is said to have allowed U.S.
naval vessels carrying nuclear weapons to make port calls in Japan
and transit Japan's territorial waters. It is also evident from U.S.
archives. The government has maintained that there was no such
secret accord. Do you think the government should admit the
existence of that secret deal?

Yes 60 64 55
No 32 32 33

Q: What do you think Japan should do about its three nonnuclear

Maintain 72 70 73
Review 24 27 21

(Note) Figures shown in percentage, rounded off. "No answer"
omitted. Figures in parentheses denote the results of the last
survey conducted Sept. 16-17.

Polling methodology: The survey was conducted Sept. 11-13 across the
nation at 300 locations on a stratified two-stage random-sampling
basis. A total of 4,568 persons were chosen from among men and women
aged 20 and over (as of Sept. 30) for face-to-face interviews.
Answers were obtained from 2,615 persons (57 PERCENT ).

(7) Poll on reading

YOMIURI (Page 14) (Full)
October 25, 2009

Questions & Answers
(Figures in percentage)

Q: How many books did you read over the past month?

1 book 17
2 books 14
3 books 8
4 books 3
5 to 9 books 4
10 or more books 2
None 53
No answer (N/A) 0

Q: (Only for those who answered "none") Why? From among the reasons

TOKYO 00002532 012 OF 014

listed below choose as many as you like.

Because I had no time 51
Because there were no books that I wanted to read 21
Because I can get knowledge or information from other sources 18
Because I can live without reading books 18
Because I don't like reading books 10
Because books are expensive 2
Because I don't want to spend money buying books 3
Because health reasons prevent my reading books 16
Other answers (O/A) + N/A 1

Q: What's the primary reason you read books? Pick as many reasons as
you like from among those listed below.

For deep knowledge or education 46
For work 19
To make the most of my hobbies 28
To get a sense of the trend of the times 15
To get a clue to life 14
To experience a virtual world 10
For fun 33
To pass time 17
From habit 7
O/A + Don't read (D/R) + N/A 13

Q: How do you choose books to read? Pick as many as you like from
among those listed below.

Happen to see at a bookstore 8
Happen to read a newspaper's book review 26
Happen to read a magazine's book review 11
Happen to see a newspaper or magazine ad 21
Happen to see a TV program introducing books 12
Happen to learn from someone 17
O/A+D/R+N/A 16

Q: Where do you usually buy books? Pick as many as you like from
among those listed below.

Bookstores 80
New secondhand bookstores like BOOKOFF 9
Old secondhand bookstores 3
Convenience stores or station kiosks 6
Online market 9
O/A 0
Don't buy 15
N/A 1

Q: Has a book ever influenced your way of thinking or your view of

Yes 66
No 31
N/A 3

Q: Do you think reading books will enrich your life?

Yes 87
No 11
N/A 3

TOKYO 00002532 013 OF 014

Q: What would you like to read most among those listed below? Pick
up to three.

Pure literature (postwar, modern times) 12
literature (prewar WWII) 4
Classical literature 3
Historical novels 26
Mysteries, science fiction, adventure stories, light novels 23
Nonfiction, biographies 15
Essays 18
Archaeology, history 6
Philosophy, ideology, religion 6
Politics, law, international politics 6
Economics, business, international economics 10
Natural science 6
Health, healthcare, welfare, pension 23
Education, childcare 8
Cooking, dietary life 19
Travel, leisure, sports 21
Personal computer, information technology 4
O/A + nothing in particular + N/A 11

Q: Do you get information you need on the Internet and not have to
buy books or magazines?

Often 17
Sometimes 19
Not very often 10
Not at all 53
N/A 1

Q: Have you ever used an e-book service on your personal computer or
cellphone? Pick only one from among those listed below.

Yes, and would like to continue 5
Yes, but would not like to continue 3
No, but would like to use 19
No, and would not like to use 71
N/A 1

Q: Do you think e-book services will increase the reading

Yes 44
No 43
N/A 13

Q: Who is your favorite novelist or writer? Pick up to three,
Japanese or foreigners. (M = male; F = female; respondents)

Ryotaro Shiba 72 (53) (19)
Haruki Murakami 66 (31) (35)
Keigo Higashino 63 (21) (42)
Seicho Matsumoto 49 (22) (27)
Miyuki Miyabe 33 (7) (26)
Osamu Dazai 29 (14) (15)
Soseki Natsume 27 (18) (9)
Kyotaro Nishimura 27 (12) (15)
Jiro Akagawa 22 (2) (20)
Hiroyuki Itsuki 21 (10) (11)

TOKYO 00002532 014 OF 014

Shuhei Fujisawa 19 (9) (10)
Eiji Yoshikawa 18 (12) (6)
Jakucho Setouchi 16 (--) (16)
Toyoko Yamasaki 16 (6) (10)
Junichi Watanabe 16 (4) (12)
Kuniko Mukoda 13 (--) (13)
Shugoro Yamamoto 13 (4) (9)
Ryunosuke Akutagawa 12 (5) (7)
Shotaro Ikenami 12 (8) (4)
Kotaro Isaka 12 (7) (5)
Yasuo Uchida 12 (5) (7)
Yasushi Inoue 11 (8) (3)
Yasunari Kawabata 11 (3) (8)

Polling methodology
Date of survey: Oct. 10-11.
Subjects of survey: 3,000 persons chosen from among all eligible
voters throughout the country (at 250 locations on a stratified
two-stage random-sampling basis).
Method of implementation: Door-to-door visits for face-to-face
Number of valid respondents: 1,801 persons (60 PERCENT )
Breakdown of respondents: Male-46 PERCENT , female-54 PERCENT ;
persons in their 20s-8 PERCENT , 30s-14 PERCENT , 40s-16 PERCENT ,
50s-19 PERCENT , 60s-25 PERCENT , 70 and over-18 PERCENT ; big
cities (Tokyo's 23 wards and government-designated cities)-21
PERCENT , major cities (with a population of more than 300,000)-18
PERCENT , medium-sized cities (with a population of more than
100,000)-26 PERCENT , small cities (with a population of less than
100,000)-23 PERCENT , towns and villages-11 PERCENT .

(Note) In some cases, the total percentage does not add up to 100
PERCENT due to rounding. "0" denotes percentages less than 0.5
PERCENT . "--" denotes that no respondents answered.


© Scoop Media

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