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Cablegate: Daily Summary of Japanese Press 11/25/09

VZCZCXRO7937
PP RUEHFK RUEHKSO RUEHNAG RUEHNH
DE RUEHKO #2710/01 3290630
ZNR UUUUU ZZH
P 250630Z NOV 09
FM AMEMBASSY TOKYO
TO RUEHC/SECSTATE WASHDC PRIORITY 7772
INFO RUEKJCS/SECDEF WASHDC PRIORITY
RHEHAAA/THE WHITE HOUSE WASHINGTON DC PRIORITY
RUEAWJA/USDOJ WASHDC PRIORITY
RULSDMK/USDOT WASHDC PRIORITY
RUCPDOC/USDOC WASHDC PRIORITY
RUEAIIA/CIA WASHDC PRIORITY
RUEKJCS/JOINT STAFF WASHDC//J5//
RHHMUNA/HQ USPACOM HONOLULU HI
RHHMHBA/COMPACFLT PEARL HARBOR HI
RHMFIUU/HQ PACAF HICKAM AFB HI//CC/PA//
RHMFIUU/USFJ //J5/JO21//
RUYNAAC/COMNAVFORJAPAN YOKOSUKA JA
RUAYJAA/CTF 72
RUEHNH/AMCONSUL NAHA 9935
RUEHFK/AMCONSUL FUKUOKA 7586
RUEHOK/AMCONSUL OSAKA KOBE 1397
RUEHNAG/AMCONSUL NAGOYA 4750
RUEHKSO/AMCONSUL SAPPORO 8094
RUEHBJ/AMEMBASSY BEIJING 1995
RUEHUL/AMEMBASSY SEOUL 8663
RUCNDT/USMISSION USUN NEW YORK 8121

UNCLAS SECTION 01 OF 14 TOKYO 002710

SIPDIS

DEPT FOR E, P, EB, EAP/J, EAP/P, EAP/PD, PA;
WHITE HOUSE/NSC/NEC; JUSTICE FOR STU CHEMTOB IN ANTI-TRUST DIVISION;
TREASURY/OASIA/IMI/JAPAN; DEPT PASS USTR/PUBLIC AFFAIRS OFFICE;
SECDEF FOR JCS-J-5/JAPAN,
DASD/ISA/EAPR/JAPAN; DEPT PASS ELECTRONICALLY TO USDA
FAS/ITP FOR SCHROETER; PACOM HONOLULU FOR PUBLIC DIPLOMACY ADVISOR;
CINCPAC FLT/PA/ COMNAVFORJAPAN/PA.

E.O. 12958: N/A
TAGS: OIIP KMDR KPAO PGOV PINR ECON ELAB JA

SUBJECT: DAILY SUMMARY OF JAPANESE PRESS 11/25/09

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INDEX:

(1) Okinawa worried that PM Hatoyama may accept current Futenma
relocation plan in the end (Asahi)

(2) Prime Minister Hatoyama to set up forum for discussion between
Uru Association, cabinet ministers concerned on Futenma relocation
(Okinawa Times)

(3) Editorial: Obama's Asia tour - Tolerance of China's military
expansion is regrettable (Sankei)

(4) Editorial: Assistance to farmers that separates them from the
world will be futile (Nikkei)

(5) Sankei-FNN poll on Hatoyama cabinet, political parties (Sankei)


(6) Japan, U.S. to ink aviation liberalization accord before end of
year: First step to competition (Asahi)

(7) Japanese wife of deceased U.S. soldier trying to immigrate to
U.S. faces legal hurdle (Sankei)

ARTICLES:

(1) Okinawa worried that PM Hatoyama may accept current Futenma
relocation plan in the end

ASAHI (Page 2) (Full)
November 25, 2009

Atsushi Matsukawa, Hisashi Ishimatsu, Keiichi Kaneko

A sense of alarm is spreading among ruling party Diet members
elected from Okinawa who have been calling for the relocation of the
U.S. forces' Futenma Air Station (in Ginowan City, Okinawa) out of
Okinawa that Prime Minister Yukio Hatoyama may accept relocation
within the prefecture in the end. While Hatoyama has still not
clarified his stance on the relocation issue, administration
officials have begun to consider new measures to lighten Okinawa's
burden in the event that a decision is made to relocate the Futenma
base to Henoko.

On the afternoon of Nov. 24, House of Councillors member Shokichi
Kina (Democratic Party of Japan (DPJ)), House of Representatives
member Mikio Shimoji (People's New Party), and five other ruling
party Diet members elected from Okinawa met with the Prime Minister
at the Prime Minister's Official Residence (Kantei). They made a
direct appeal to Hatoyama to look into the possibility of relocating
Futenma out of Okinawa or out of Japan.

The letter they presented said that: "The people of Okinawa are
increasingly voicing their strong disappointment and anger at this
situation in which a process based on the assumption of relocation
within Okinawa is moving forward." The Diet members demanded the
creation of an "examination panel" consisting of the foreign
minister, the defense minister, ruling party Diet members elected
from Okinawa, and other officials. Their purpose was to convey the
local people's sentiments before the Prime Minister makes his
decision.


TOKYO 00002710 002 OF 014


However, the Okinawan lawmakers and Hatoyama differed in their
perceptions of this meeting later.

Kina said: "The Prime Minister said an examination panel will be
created. He said that relocation to Henoko or a merger with Kadena
Air Base is not a foregone conclusion, and that there are still many
options."

The Prime Minister's version was: "I have not said a single word
about any option other than Henoko today."

When Upper House member Keiko Itokazu (independent) said to him
toward the end of the meeting: "Please do not betray the Okinawan
people's expectations for the change of administration," Hatoyama
reportedly just kept quiet.

The reason why the Okinawan Diet members wanted to talk directly to
Hatoyama is because there is now a growing sense of alarm that the
Prime Minister may make a decision on relocation within Okinawa
before the end of 2009.

Kina, who is also head of the DPJ's Okinawa chapter, told reporters
in a strong tone on Nov. 23: "Conducting negotiations (with the
U.S.) without consulting the Okinawa chapter and ignoring (the
wishes of) Okinawa is unacceptable." He also said: "If this
situation doesn't change, it's like Okinawa is being deceived." The
local people have been hopeful because the Prime Minister himself
had said clearly during the recent general election campaign that
Futenma should "at least be relocated out of Okinawa."

The DPJ Okinawa chapter is worried about the Nago mayoral election
in January. The opponents to Henoko relocation have just fielded a
common candidate - Susumu Inamine, former education board chairman
of the city - on Nov. 18 against the incumbent mayor seeking
reelection, Yoshikazu Shimabukuro, who accepts the relocation. The
DPJ's Okinawa chapter, along with the Social Democratic Party (SDP)
Okinawa chapter and other groups, has already decided to endorse
Inamine.

Many supporters of Inamine, consisting mostly of former Mayor Tateo
Kishimoto's relatives and support groups, are actually in favor of
Henoko relocation. For this reason, Inamine was going to campaign on
a review of the existing relocation plan at first. But for the sake
of fielding a common candidate for all the relocation opponents, he
has taken one step further and is now saying: "I will not allow the
construction of a new military base in Henoko." Inamine's staff say
that "we will fight under the slogan of opposition (to Henoko
relocation) until the end."

Commenting on this, a senior Okinawa Prefectural Government official
who is supporting Shimabukuro said cynically: "If the government
decides on relocation within Okinawa before the end of the year,
will the Prime Minister come to campaign for the incumbent mayor in
the election? If he is giving up on relocation out of Okinawa so
soon, we might well ask him to at least do that."

Yasuhiro Arakaki, DPJ Okinawa chapter's secretary general, and other
officials said to Governor Hirokazu Nakaima on Nov. 24: "We would
like you to ask the Prime Minister to relocate Futenma out of
Okinawa. Mr. Hatoyama may do that for us." If Hatoyama decides on
relocation within the prefecture before the mayoral election, DPJ
officials are certain to be torn between the party's policies in

TOKYO 00002710 003 OF 014


Tokyo and in Okinawa. The ruling coalition may also become divided
over relocation to the mainland and relocation within Okinawa.
Yonekichi Shinzato, SDP Okinawa chapter's secretary general,
observes: "In the worst-case scenario, there might be a clamor (for
the SDP) to leave the coalition."

Nakaima, who has not changed his position of accepting Henoko
relocation in the belief that this is a "realistic" plan, stated at
his regular news conference on Nov. 20: "If an opponent to
relocation gets elected (in the Nago mayoral election), it will be
extremely difficult to implement the relocation." In which case, the
gubernatorial election next year, in which Nakaima is seeking
reelection, is certain to be affected as well.

After his meeting with the Okinawan Diet members, Hatoyama
maintained that he had not made any decision on when to reach a
conclusion on Futenma relocation and where the relocation site will
be.

However, the concerned ministers have stepped up their efforts to
prepare to make a decision before the end of the year while Hatoyama
is still trying to make up his mind.

Hatoyama summoned Foreign Minister Katsuya Okada and Defense
Minister Toshimi Kitazawa to the Kantei for two consecutive days on
Nov. 19 and 20 to discuss the Futenma issue.

During the meeting, Kitazawa argued that it is necessary to lighten
the burden on the Okinawan people to soften their resentment on the
assumption that the Futenma base is to be relocated to Henoko.
Hatoyama leaned forward and remarked: "Let me say something. I will
be the one to draw up the (final) proposal." An informed source
observes that "for all intents and purposes" Hatoyama's attitude
indicates that "a decision on Henoko relocation will be made before
the end of 2009." The Ministry of Foreign Affairs (MOFA) is also
looking into ways to reduce Okinawa's burden behind the scenes.

The reason why the Ministry of Defense (MOD) is speeding up the
formulation of proposals to reduce the burden is because if Hatoyama
decides on Henoko relocation, it will be impossible to placate the
Okinawan people without such proposals.

The main focus of these measures is the removal of danger and
reduction of noise on the bases. The MOD proposes to spread out the
helicopter exercises conducted at Futenma Air Station, as well as
transfer the exercises conducted at Kadena Air Base out of Okinawa
or reduce their frequency.

With regard to the Japan-U.S. Status of Forces Agreement, which is
subject to calls for revision, the MOD is also proposing that
environmental provisions requiring the U.S. forces to restore the
environment to the original state in cases of pollution on the
military bases be signed between Japan and the U.S. as special
agreements. A senior MOD official says: "We are preparing proposals
that will keep the Okinawans people's hope alive."

Regarding economic development measures for Okinawa, which were
linked to progress in the U.S. Forces Japan (USFJ) realignment
process during the Liberal Democratic Party administrations, the
Hatoyama administration has drawn the line and said that "they are
not linked with the base issues" (Land Minister Seiji Maehara).
Plans to continue and expand such measures are being studied.

TOKYO 00002710 004 OF 014

Director General Kazuyoshi Umemoto of MOFA's North American Affairs
Bureau and Director General Nobushige Takamizawa of the MOD's
Defense Policy Bureau left for the U.S. on Nov. 24. They will meet
with U.S. officials to seek their understanding of the proposals to
lighten Okinawa's burden. If an agreement can be reached at the
senior bureaucratic level, the proposals will be presented to the
cabinet level working group officially.

It goes without saying that the prerequisite for the U.S. to approve
these measures is the acceptance of the Henoko relocation plan. It
would seem that the process for the "implementation of the agreement
on USFJ realignment in Okinawa," as President Obama put it, is
moving forward steadily.

However, the concerned officials are still frustrated because the
Prime Minister keeps putting off making a decision. A senior MOFA
official points out that "unless the overall policy is spelled out,
we are just doing just mental exercises."

The SDP, a coalition partner of the DPJ, is also facing a serious
dilemma. With regard to how the party will react if Hatoyama decides
on the Henoko relocation plan, party leader Mizuho Fukushima (state
minister for consumer affairs and declining birthrate) would only
say: "I cannot answer a hypothetical question."

(2) Prime Minister Hatoyama to set up forum for discussion between
Uru Association, cabinet ministers concerned on Futenma relocation

OKINAWA TIMES (Page 2) (Full)
November 25, 2009

TOKYO - In connection with the relocation site for the U.S. Marine
Corps' Futenma Air Station, Prime Minister Yukio Hatoyama clarified
yesterday that he will set up a forum for discussion between the
cabinet ministers concerned and the Uru no Kai (Uru Association),
which is comprised of the ruling parties' Diet members elected from
Okinawa Prefecture or from the prefecture. The Uru Association is
chaired by House of Councillors member Shokichi Kina. Uru
Association members, who have called for establishing a forum to
look into the possibility of relocating the Futenma base out of
Okinawa or out of Japan, met with Hatoyama at the Prime Minister's
Official Residence (Kantei). Hatoyama made this decision during the
meeting. He did not explicitly say such a meeting will be held
regularly, but he said: "It is absolutely necessary (for the Uru
Association) to exchange views with the foreign minister, defense
minister, and state minister in charge of Okinawa and hold
discussions on the issue before reaching a conclusion."

With regard to the relocation site for the Futenma base, Hatoyama
said: "In order to look for a fresh idea, we are examining several
options." He expressed his willingness to visit Okinawa, saying, "I
would like to visit Okinawa although I have yet to decide when." He
also revealed that he would meet with Okinawa Gov. Hirokazu Nakaima
when he visits Okinawa.

Last evening at the Kantei, after revealing that Chief Cabinet
Secretary Hirofumi Hirano and Foreign Minister Katsuya Okada are
expected to visit Okinawa, Hatoyama said to reporters: "I think I
cannot go there before they visit."

Uru Association members told Hatoyama that they would like to state

TOKYO 00002710 005 OF 014


their views at a meeting of the ministerial-level working group
(WG), but Hatoyama said: "Working group meetings will be held
between Japan and the United States. I will deal with the issue in a
responsible manner so that your wishes can be transmitted to the
WG."

After the meeting, Kina said: "Okinawa has been kept out of the loop
since the SACO agreement was reached. So, I asked the Prime Minister
to reflect the voice of (Okinawa) without making the same mistake.
The Prime Minister responded to our request faithfully."

(3) Editorial: Obama's Asia tour - Tolerance of China's military
expansion is regrettable

SANKEI (Page 2) (Full)
November 19, 2009

The U.S. President will wrap up his weeklong Asian tour on Nov. 19,
with his last visit to South Korea. In China, President Obama and
President Hu Jintao agreed to strengthen their strategic
relationship and cooperate on global issues.

It is only proper for the United States to promote cooperative
relations with China, which has grown to become a great power,
attaching priority to Asia. However, there is concern that regional
and global stability will be undermined if the United States and
China, now called the G-2, only pursue their national interests.

This is because the U.S. side seems to have refrained from getting
to crucial global issues as the U.S.-China talks proceeded at
China's pace. The joint statement did not mention the manipulation
of China's currency, the yuan; violation of intellectual property
rights; or the suppression of human rights and democratization. The
same is true for the issue of minorities in Tibet and Uighur.

In connection with environment issues, the two countries, the top
two carbon-dioxide emitters, failed to come up with emission
reduction targets. China has opposed setting targets, asserting that
economic development in developing countries, including China,
should not be impeded. The United States appears to have tolerated
this.

What we are concerned about is the fact that President Obama did not
call on China, which has continued its military buildup, for
self-control and the transparency of military spending. The joint
Obama-Hu statement praised a visit to the U.S. (in October) by Xu
Caihou, vice chairman of the Central Military Commission, and
advocated strengthening cooperative relations through mutual visits
by the two leaders and exchanges of officials at all levels.

Prior to President Obama's China visit, the United States came out
with a new strategy - strategic security - calling for China to
share responsibility. In line with the new strategy, Obama in his
speech in Tokyo stated that the United States has no intention of
containing China.

Behind the Obama administration's new policy are its high
expectations that China will play a role in carrying out aid
measures for Afghanistan and Pakistan and antipiracy measures. The
Chinese side, however, interprets the policy as American approval of
its military buildup and construction of a blue-water navy. As a
result, the risk of accelerating an arms race among China, India

TOKYO 00002710 006 OF 014


(which has territorial disputes with China), and Southeast Asia will
heighten.

This is a critical issue for Japan because one can say that the
United States is shifting its weight to China in order to deal with
global issues, although it has considered the Japan-U.S. security
arrangements as the linchpin of its Asia strategy. Japan should
strengthen the alliance with the U.S. and prevent the G-2 from
becoming a solo act. There is no time to waver.

(4) Editorial: Assistance to farmers that separates them from the
world will be futile

NIKKEI (Page 2) (Full)
November 23, 2009

The Yukio Hatoyama administration has decided to set up a farm
household compensation system, under which the government will
directly compensate farmers' incomes. As part of such an effort, the
government will implement model case projects on a priority basis
starting in 2010, targeting rice farmers. This is an opportunity
made possible as a result of the change in government to drastically
reform agricultural policy. However, the specifics of the system
must be examined carefully.

Japan's agriculture is in a critical situation. The amount of
abandoned farmland has reached almost twice the land area of Tokyo.
Japan's food self-sufficiency rate in calorie terms stands at
approximately 40 percent, which is markedly low among industrialized
countries. Agriculture is an important industry that supports
people's diet. The Hatoyama administration's perception that it is
imperative to reform agriculture is not wrong.

Isn't the proposal simply an election strategy?

What we do not understand is why the government is rushing to extend
support to rice farmers alone? According to the Democratic Party of
Japan's (DPJ) manifesto, the party was supposed to introduce the
system in fiscal 2011. We do not envisage the implementation of the
system ahead of schedule as anything else but a political
calculation with an eye on next year's Upper House election.

The Ministry of Agriculture, Forestry and Fisheries (MAFF) has
requested approximately 560 billion yen for the introduction of the
new system as necessary funds in the fiscal 2010 budget. The system
could become a pork-barrel policy that strongly resembles an effort
to curry favor with farmers if the administration moves ahead with
the system with the Upper House election in mind.

The proposal submitted by Agriculture Minister Hirotaka Akamatsu has
several serious defects. First, the new system offers no hope of
generating the effect of structural reform, namely enhancing
agricultural productivity.

The idea of compensation for farming households itself is correct.
It is a system in which the government compensates farmers' incomes
with direct subsidies in the event that sales prices of agricultural
products are higher their production costs. The World Trade
Organization's (WTO) international rules approve this system as a
way to protect farmers while having little impact on global trade.

If the system is implemented along the lines suggested, it would

TOKYO 00002710 007 OF 014


serve as a measure to support agriculture with little negative
impact compared with measures in which imports of agricultural
products are blocked by high tariffs, thereby leaving the prices of
domestic products high. The global trend of agricultural policy is
to support farmers financially instead of artificially lowering
prices.

The problem is how to apply such a method. MAFF plans to target
about 1.8 million farm households throughout the nation by
increasing the number of farmers eligible for the assistance. Under
this system, not only full-time farm households and large
agricultural production corporations but also small part-time
households can receive subsidies.

As such, some part-time farmers will continue to grow rice just for
subsidies while simultaneously working as salaried workers. They
would hang onto their inefficient farmland, hampering the
consolidation of farmland under large-scale farmers in the form of
leasing.

The second problem is that consumers or taxpayers could bear the
brunt of the new system. If the new system increases the fiscal
burden because of income compensation paid to farmers, while food
prices remain as is, its economic advantage to the people as a whole
would be minimal.

The new system assumes farmers' participation in production
adjustments (government-arranged reductions in rice cultivation), as
a condition for them to receive subsidies. Production adjustments
are aimed at reducing supplies according to the plan, thereby
raising the prices of farm products. The government has spent fiscal
funds on these subsidies totaling approximately 7 trillion yen over
the past several years.

However, this policy has created harmful effects. Farmers' eagerness
to produce agricultural goods has declined. Farmland has been
abandoned. The nation's food self-sufficiency rate has dropped. High
trade tariffs are now under fire in the international community.
Japan finds itself in a disadvantageous position in trade
liberalization talks. The production adjustments were clearly the
wrong approach.

In the European Union (EU) and the U.S., agricultural policies of
combining income compensation to farmers and reduced prices of farm
products have been successful. They have managed to lower the prices
of farm products and reduce trade tariffs and export subsidies by
leaving price-setting for the market to work out.

Take a second look at production adjustments

To begin with, production adjustments designed to increase the
prices of farm products and direct compensation intended to reduce
such prices are, in principle, contradictory. It appears that the
system envisaged by the Hatoyama administration is intended to
combine both by the strong hand. If the system is adopted with
contradictions left unsolved, it will collapse soon or later.

Given the reality of Japanese agriculture - high production costs
and lack of international competitiveness in price terms, it is not
possible to deny the intention of the government to protect farm
households. However, by segregating domestic agriculture from the
global market, it will impossible to revitalize Japanese agriculture

TOKYO 00002710 008 OF 014


while continuing to protect it. It is necessary to build a new
system in the direction of creating a future both for global and
Japanese agriculture.

Deputy Prime Minister and State Minister for National Policy Naoto
Kan has indicated a policy direction of making this system a target
of screening for budgetary cuts. Given the critical fiscal
situation, this is an inevitable decision. The government should
cautiously discuss ways to narrow down targets eligible for income
compensation without regarding the area as a sacred cow.

Among the various policy proposals included in the manifesto, the
idea of income compensation for farm households, in comparison with
toll-free highways or child allowances, does not sit well with urban
workers. However, agricultural policy does not concern only those
involved in agriculture, such as farm households, agricultural
cooperatives, and the farm policy clique in the Diet. It is a policy
that concerns the foundation of food safety and security, the cost
of living of the people as a whole, and economic diplomacy.

As long as the government takes into account the massive fiscal
burden involved, it should facilitate farmland reform in a manner
acceptable to both taxpayers and consumers.

(5) Sankei-FNN poll on Hatoyama cabinet, political parties

SANKEI (Page 5) (Full)
November 24, 2009

Questions & Answers

(Note) Figures are percentages. Figures in parentheses are
percentages in the previous Sankei-FNN survey, conducted Oct.
17-18.

Q: Do you support the Hatoyama cabinet?

Yes 62.5 (60.9)
No 22.9 (20.7)
Don't know (D/K), etc. 14.6 (18.4)

Q: Which political party do you support?

Democratic Party of Japan (DPJ or Minshuto) 39.7 (40.6)
Liberal Democratic Party (LDP or Jiminto) 17.3 (18.9)
New Komeito (NK or Komeito) 4.5 (3.6)
Japanese Communist Party (JCP or Kyosanto) 3.2 (2.7)
Social Democratic Party (SDP or Shaminto) 3.0 (1.3)
People's New Party (PNP or Kokumin Shinto) 0.9 (0.5)
Your Party (YP or Minna no To) 3.8 (2.3)
New Party Nippon (NPN or Shinto Nippon) 0.2 (0.0)
Other political parties 0.4 (0.5)
None 26.5 (28.5)
D/K, etc. 0.5 (1.1)

Q: Do you have high expectations for the Hatoyama cabinet on the
following points?

The prime minister's personal character
Yes 70.0 (71.0)
No 20.2 (15.6)
D/K, etc. 9.8 (13.4)

TOKYO 00002710 009 OF 014

The prime minister's leadership
Yes 34.7 (41.5)
No 46.0 (28.5)
D/K, etc. 19.3 (30.0)

The prime minister's idea of yuai (fraternity)
Yes 51.9 (-----)
No 30.8 (-----)
D/K, etc. 17.3 (-----)

The prime minister's East Asian Community initiative
Yes 53.0 (-----)
No 21.1 (-----)
D/K, etc. 25.9 (-----)

Diet steering
Yes 41.6 (-----)
No 37.5 (-----)
D/K, etc. 20.9 (-----)

Futenma relocation in Okinawa
Yes 22.8 (-----)
No 56.0 (-----)
D/K, etc. 21.2 (-----)

Appointment of a former administrative vice minister as Japan Post
president
Yes 25.2 (-----)
No 60.3 (-----)
D/K, etc. 14.5 (-----)

The prime minister's political fund problem
Yes 18.8 (-----)
No 64.8 (-----)
D/K, etc. 16.4 (-----)

Policy concerning amakudari (the practice of giving retired
bureaucrats positions at public corporations or private businesses)
Yes 48.4 (-----)
No 40.5 (-----)
D/K, etc. 11.1 (-----)

Teamwork
Yes 43.3 (46.8)
No 44.8 (29.7)
D/K, etc. 11.9 (23.5)

Q: What would you like the Hatoyama cabinet to pursue on a priority
basis?

Economic stimulus measures 25.6
Childcare support, education 14.9
Social security, including healthcare and pension system 20.4
Foreign, security policies 2.0
Cutting wasteful spending 23.6
Fiscal turnaround 5.1
Political reform 2.2
Diet reform 1.4
Dealing with global warming 3.4
D/K, etc. 1.4


TOKYO 00002710 010 OF 014


Q: Who do you think is the Hatoyama cabinet's key person?

Prime Minister Yukio Hatoyama 18.3
Deputy Prime Minister & National Strategy Minister Naoto Kan 5.5
Administrative Reform Minister Yoshito Sengoku 1.4
Foreign Minister Katsuya Okada 4.4
Finance Minister Hirohisa Fujii 1.5
Health, Labor & Welfare Minister Akira Nagatsuma 5.9
Land, Infrastructure & Transport Minister Seiji Maehara 4.8
Financial Services & Postal Reform Minister Shizuka Kamei 6.8
Other cabinet ministers 1.0
DPJ Secretary Ichiro Ozawa 41.9
Other ruling party lawmakers 0.2
LDP President Sadakazu Tanigaki 1.5
Other opposition party lawmakers 1.4
D/K, etc. 5.4

Q: What do you think about the Hatoyama cabinet?

The Hatoyama cabinet is meeting the public's expectations from the
general election
Yes 60.3
No 32.5
D/K, etc. 7.2

The Hatoyama cabinet is exerting its political leadership over
bureaucrats
Yes 50.2
No 40.9
D/K, etc. 8.9

The Hatoyama cabinet is speedy in getting things done
Yes 54.0
No 37.8
D/K, etc. 8.2

Do you have high expectations for the SDP's voice in the Hatoyama
cabinet?
Yes 32.6
No 60.7
D/K, etc. 6.7

Do you have high expectations for the PNP's voice in the Hatoyama
cabinet?
Yes 21.1
No 70.6
D/K, etc. 8.3

Do you have high expectations for DPJ Secretary General Ozawa's
leadership?
Yes 38.0
No 53.8
D/K, etc. 8.2

Q: Do you think the DPJ should uphold its manifesto without fail?

The DPJ should do so 8.5 (9.0)
The DPJ should do its best to do so, but it can't be helped if it
fails to carry out some of the pledges in its manifesto 40.7 (38.8)
The DPJ should flexibly translate its policies into action without
being bound to its pledges 50.3 (50.6)
D/K, etc. 0.5 (1.6)

TOKYO 00002710 011 OF 014

Q: Do you think the DPJ should translate the following policies into
action?

Toll-free expressways
Yes 19.3 (19.5)
No 77.3 (72.8)
D/K, etc. 3.4 (7.7)

Abolition of provisional gasoline tax rates
Yes 54.4 (57.1)
No 37.5 (29.3)
D/K, etc. 8.1 (13.6)

Environmental taxation on fossil fuels
Yes 58.7 (-----)
No 29.3 (-----)
D/K, etc. 12.0 (-----)

Raising tobacco tax
Yes 64.6 (-----)
No 30.2 (-----)
D/K, etc. 5.2 (-----)

Issuing deficit-covering bonds to carry out public pledges
Yes 24.6 (24.5)
No 66.0 (60.2)
D/K, etc. 9.4 (15.3)

Suffrage for foreign nationals with permanent resident status
Yes 53.9 (-----)
No 34.4 (-----)
D/K, etc. 11.7 (-----)

Separate surnames for married couples
Yes 46.1 (-----)
No 44.2 (-----)
D/K, etc. 9.7 (-----)

Relocation of the U.S. military's Futenma airfield outside Okinawa
Prefecture
Yes 46.2 (45.1)
No 36.1 (29.1)
D/K, etc. 17.7 (25.8)

Ban on bureaucrats' replies before the Diet
Yes 36.0 (39.9)
No 46.8 (35.7)
D/K, etc. 17.2 (24.4)

Q: What do you think about the DPJ's child allowance plan in its
manifesto?

It should be provided across the board as pledged 19.3
It should be based on income 64.1
There's no need for it 15.6
D/K, etc. 1.0

Q: What do you think about the Hatoyama cabinet's budget screening?

The screening panel is helping to ferret out the government's
wasteful spending

TOKYO 00002710 012 OF 014


Yes 88.7
No 7.6
D/K, etc. 3.7

Are you interested in then screening panel's open discussions?
Yes 79.1
No 15.9
D/K, etc. 5.0

The screening panel's discussions are appropriate
Yes 43.2
No 41.5
D/K, etc. 15.3

The screening panel's authority and responsibility are unclear
Yes 67.9
No 21.9
D/K, etc. 10.2

Budget screening should be conducted annually
Yes 85.2
No 10.0
D/K, etc. 4.8

Q: Would you like the ruling or opposition parties to win next
year's election for the House of Councillors?

The DPJ and other ruling parties 64.3 (59.0)
The LDP and other opposition parties 27.7 (32.9)
D/K, etc. 8.0 (8.1)

Polling methodology: The survey was conducted Nov. 21-22 by the
Sankei Shimbun and Fuji News Network (FNN) over the telephone on a
computer-aided random digit dialing (RDD) basis. For the survey, a
total of 1,000 persons were sampled from among men and women, aged
20 and over, across the nation.

(6) Japan, U.S. to ink aviation liberalization accord before end of
year: First step to competition

ASAHI (Page 7) (Excerpts)
November 25, 2005

Strong prospects appeared that Japan and the U.S. will sign an open
skies agreement before year's end. Under this agreement, air
carriers can set flights routes and the number of flights at their
discretion. This was announced by Transport Minister Seiji Maehara
at a press conference on Nov. 24. The spread of open skies
agreements throughout the world has been urging the aviation
industry to undergo restructuring. The power distribution of the
aviation industry will likely undergo a change. The situation could
influence Japan Airlines' restructuring program as well.

Increase in landing and departure slots at Haneda Airport as
opportunity

The governments of Japan and the U.S. will hold a working-level
meeting early next month. They will likely sign an open skies
agreement at the meeting.

Regarding the flight network between the two countries, the
governments of both countries set, in principle, flight routes in

TOKYO 00002710 013 OF 014


accordance with the Convention on International Civil Aviation,
usually referred to as the Chicago Convention. Once Japan and the
U.S. sign the open skies agreement, U.S. anti-monopoly officials
view that a competitive environment has now been secured. No matter
how much air carriers of both countries deepen their tie-ups, they
will most likely obtain antitrust immunity (ATI). Under the open
skies agreement, air carriers can adjust duplicated flight routes
and the number of flights with their partner carriers. This would
certainly enhance their competitiveness.

Japan, on the other hand, is taking a cautious stance toward signing
such an accord with a senior transport ministry official noting, "If
Japan and the U.S. sign an open skies agreement, U.S.-led
competition would become intensive, putting Japan at a
disadvantage."

Because of the completion of a new runway, the number of landing and
departure slots at Haneda Airport will increase by 60,000 per year
and 20,000 per year at Narita Airport. This has created room for the
interests of Japan and the U.S. to converge. This is not true
liberalization. However, Japan intends to facilitate easier access
to the aviation business, by continuing to strengthen capacities at
those airports. Landing and departure slots allotted to overseas
carriers' midnight and early morning flights at Haneda is to be
boosted by 20 per day, starting in October next year. The U.S. is
eager to obtain additional slots. The Japanese government plans to
allocate a certain number of landing and departure slots at Haneda
Airport to the U.S. However, it intends to curb such a number, when
slots at Narita Airport are increased in March next year.

The government is expected to allow carriers to increase or launch
flights to and from the U.S. using domestic airports other than
Narita and Haneda, such as Kansai Airport.

(7) Japanese wife of deceased U.S. soldier trying to immigrate to
U.S. faces legal hurdle

SANKEI ONLINE (Full)
08:05, November 25, 2009

Michiya Matsuo in Maryville, Tennessee

A Japanese woman from Okinawa whose U.S. marine husband died in the
Iraq war shortly after they got married and who wants to immigrate
to the U.S. to raise their child in accordance with her husband's
wishes has been refused permanent residence in America based on the
U.S. immigration law. Her husband's parents and the U.S. forces are
making every effort to obtain residence rights for her at present,
but prospects for a solution to this problem remain dim. However,
this woman is determined and says she will not give up. What makes
her take up an option that is much more difficult that remaining in
Japan?

This woman is Hotaru Nakama Ferschke, 26. She met Michael Ferschke,
who was then a marine stationed in Okinawa in spring 2007 and they
began to date.

Michael later volunteered to go to Iraq and at the same time, he
proposed to Hotaru. After Michael left Okinawa, they completed the
paperwork and got married officially in July 2008 even though they
were living separately. Shortly after that, Michael was attacked and
killed while searching a house in the suburbs of Baghdad. He was

TOKYO 00002710 014 OF 014


22.

Filled with sorrow, Hotaru went to Michael's hometown in Maryville,
Tennessee for his funeral. She decided then to immigrate to America
and raise the baby she was pregnant with in the U.S.

"All the people in the community were present to witness the funeral
from the roadside. I felt that Michael is a hero. I decided that I
would like to raise my child in the land where everybody pays
respect to Michael."

For Hotaru, who came from Japan, where the reality of war does not
feel real, it was a very intense experience. Hotaru gave birth to a
baby boy, Mikey in Okinawa last January and went to Tennessee in
February.

She was surprised by the legal hurdle she faced. The U.S.
immigration law stipulates that for the spouse to obtain permanent
residence rights, there needs to be actual married life after
marriage.

Robin, 48, Hotaru's mother-in-law who eagerly wishes for her to
immigrate to the U.S., says: "It is a matter of course that a
soldier who has given his life for the country should be given
utmost respect. Everything is being negated for just one provision
in the immigration law." The two are lobbying with members of
Congress to enact a "personal law" on special provisions applying to
specific individuals and have received a positive response.

Hotaru says that when Mikey grows up, "I would like to tell him your
father was an awesome man."

Her tourist visa expires in February 2010.

ZUMWALT

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