Hezbollah’s Palestinian problem………and vice versa
Hezbollah’s Palestinian problem………and vice versa
Franklin Lamb
Beirut
Many Lebanese and
Syrian supporters of the region's Resistance
culture,
increasingly led by Hezbollah, are chastising, for a number
of
reasons, their former Islamist ally Hamas. Pillorying
them with accusations
that the latter are ingrates who
are creating a host of problems for
Hezbollah and its
support for the Syrian regime, during the
continuing
crisis. Unnecessary problems, it is frequently
asserted, that inure to the
benefit of their mutual arch
enemies, the Zionist colonizers of Palestine
and their
American and Arab enablers.
An outsider living near the center of the Hezbollah security zone in
Dahiyeh, South
Beirut, as does this observer, hears from friends
and
neighbors both sides of this rancorous domestic
argument. Having respect
for, and being a supporter of
both, one feels a bit awkward-- rather like a
good friend
of a married couple, who are engaged in an
increasingly
acrimonious marital spat.
While
sympathetic to each friend's seemingly legitimate complaints
with
the other, one does not want to take sides for,
among other reasons, the
risk of appearing disloyal to mutual friends and alienating perhaps both
while being labeled a weak, “friend betrayer.”
Yet one cannot
disagree with the Palestinian community in both Syria
and
Lebanon who repeatedly assert that they want to stay
neutral in the Syrian
crisis which appears unlikely to end
anytime soon. Palestinian refugees,
in Palestine as well
as in Syria and Lebanon, want to stay out of
internecine
conflicts and focus on trying to survive and
confronting their real enemies,
those who stole and are
still living on their land.
Some supporters of
Hezbollah and the Palestine Resistance seek to
avoid
exhibiting dirty laundry to public view, but given
the voracious craving of
media outlets linked to various
local parties as well as foreign sponsors,
there is much
pressure and opportunity to condemn each side for, some
real
but many illusory, Hezbollah-Palestinian
cross-border conflicts. This mutually
destructive
phenomenon appears to be spreading.
Hezbollah’s local
Palestinian problem started to form in the spring of
2011
as the Syrian crisis quickly gained momentum. Some
Palestinians joined the
rebels and nearly 28 months into
the maelstrom, continue fighting the Assad
government.
The numbers appear to this observer to be a tiny fraction
of
the unemployed, discouraged Palestinian youth. Some
have succumbed to
the allure of $200 per month, free
cigarettes, and an AK-47 and have joined
one or the other
of literally hundreds of jihadist militias operating in
Syria,
some currently scoping out Lebanon.
Some point
out that those Palestinian refugees in Syria should not be
seen as
betraying those who have helped them most. The
undeniable fact is that
Palestinian refugees in Syria
have for more than six decades been granted by
the
government rights to education, medical care, housing,
employment,
and in many instances, preferential
treatment. In addition, Syria has granted
them identity
and travel documents, to an extent that no other Arab
League
country has. This despite decades of Arab
potentates blathering interminably
about supporting the "bloodstream and sacred cause of Palestine.”
So there is
festering resentment when certain media blare that
Palestinian
groups such as Hamas are with the rebels and
are insisting that Hezbollah
fighters not enter Syria under any pretext. Hamas stands accused of closing
their Damascus offices, accepting a $400 million grant from Syria’s nemesis Qatar
and of joining the US-Israel axis
by harming their own people as well as
undermining the
resistance to the Zionist regime in the process.
Certain
other Palestinians in camps such as Yarmouk in
Syria and Shatila in Lebanon
tacitly accuse Hamas of
abandoning the Palestinian cause and misguidedly
sparking
sectarian strife with Hezbollah. Others argue just the
opposite
and blame Hezbollah.
Some Palestinians are
also said to be carrying guns for the
Saida-based,
Lebanese Salafist cleric Sheikh Ahmed
al-Asir, the imam of Saida's Bilal bin
Rabah Mosque, while supporting his anti-Hezbollah-Assad regime
which is trying
to unite Sunnis who make up roughly 85% of the
world’s
Muslim population, to eliminate all Shia
Muslims.
Syrian government forces claim that Hamas has
even trained Syrian rebels
in the manufacture and use of
home-made rockets. Some Hezbollah fighters
complain that
they taught Hamas many of their battlefield skills which
they
turned around and used against Hezbollah forces in
al-Qusayr and are
preparing to do the same, with larger
numbers, in the coming battle for
Aleppo, Syria’s
largest city.
Many supporters of Hezbollah believe Hamas
and some other Palestinian
factions were being needlessly
provocative when a few officials issued an
unusual
admonishment of Hezbollah on June 13, demanding it direct
its
firepower at Israel and withdraw from involvement in
the Syrian conflict.
“We demand of Hezbollah to withdraw
its forces from Syria and call on it
to leave its weapons
directed only at the Zionist enemy,” read a
statement
allegedly from Hamas, posted on the Facebook
page of its deputy political
leader Moussa Abu
Marzouq.
Despite its withdrawal from Syria in early 2012, Hamas, as an Islamic
organization, has been wary of
publicly criticizing Hezbollah for its military
support
of the Assad regime. On June 13, the London-based daily
Al-Quds
Al-Araby reported that a schism existed within
Hamas regarding its attitude
toward Hezbollah. Hamas’s
military wing, the Izz Ad-Din Al-Qassam
Brigades,
reportedly endorsed the alliance with the Syria-Hezbollah
axis,
while its political leadership opposed it. Some
have questioned the accuracy
of this report.
Other more petty accusations have been made by some Hezbollah
supporters, for example that some Palestinian
camp residents in Ein el
Helwe camp near Saida and Jalil
camp near Baalbek, were encouraged by
Hamas to burn
refugee aid packages provided by Hezbollah for
Syrians
and Palestinians forced to flee Syria. The
reasons cited by the Palestinians
for this odd act were
that they felt they could not, given moral Islamic
values, accept “blood” gifts, even of much needed food.
This
observer met with some Palestinian leaders from different
factions and
is satisfied by their explanations that this
was not the case. Hezbollah has
given emergency aid to
all the Palestinian camps. What happened with
the
symbolic burning of a few parcels was entirely
politically motivated and
organized by certain Salafists
in Saida and a few troublemakers from the
pro-Saudi/US factions, including rump elements from the pro-western
March 14 alliance. That issue has now been resolved by Palestinian popular
committees and the Hezbollah donors. Hopefully it will not recur.
Some Hezbollah partisans complain that certain Palestinian factions have
circulated rumors in the media accusing Hezbollah of wrongdoing and
thereby are in effect
collaborating with the US and Israel to divide and
weaken
the National Lebanese Resistance.
Yet additional criticism of certain Palestinian factions, specifically Hamas,
relates to the nature of the movement’s relationship with the state of
Qatar which is accused of
essentially appointed itself godfather of all
the
Islamist and Muslim Brotherhood movements in the
region. According
to some, this has caused Hamas to lose
the credibility and popularity that
it once enjoyed from
diaspora Palestinians.
The Palestinians’ Hezbollah problem
Revisiting the “marital spat” analogy, some of the accusations against
certain Palestinian groups mirror those made against Hezbollah. Some
Lebanese analysts and
some camp Palestinians have warned that
Hezbollah’s
foray into Syria is fueling a Sunni-Shiite polarization
that
threatens to feed extremism on both sides and
catapult the conflict to the
wider region
Syrian opposition groups reported on May 30 that Hezbollah had
ordered Hamas’s representative in Beirut, Ali Baraka, to leave the country
immediately because of
Hamas’s public support for Syrian rebels
fighting
Assad. Baraka denied the report, telling Lebanese media
(and
his neighbors) that there was no change in the
relationship between the
two organizations. As of today,
this observer’s kitchen balcony overlooks
the Hamas
office in central Haret Hreik and it is clear that it is
still
functioning.
The Hamas disagreement with Hezbollah
still stands but both parties
have agreed to discuss it
by holding a series of meetings. In response to
a
question on this subject, former Foreign Ministry
undersecretary in the
ousted government in Gaza Ahmad
Youssef, pointed out that Hamas
needs and very much wants
the support of all the powers and sides in the
region to
face the colonial Zionist implantation, what some refer to
as
“the 9th Crusade.” Youssef explained: “We needed
and still need Iran and
Hezbollah. However, the
movement’s position is that this behavior had
damaged
the relations which we wanted to be close and strong with
the
party.” Next month, Palestinian President Mahmoud
Abbas, who has his
own problems with Hamas, will
reportedly visit Lebanon to meet with
Palestinians who
fled Syria and is expected to attempt a
Hamas-Hezbollah
musalaha (reconciliation).
The
resistance to the Zionist colony has multiple pillars, two
of which
are Hezbollah and the Palestine National
Movement. Both of these
as well as a growing number of others, including hundreds of militia
now fighting in
Syria, share one principle objective, to liberate
occupied
Palestine and ensure the Palestinian's
right-of-return to the 531 villages
that were ethnically
cleansed 65 years ago, by whatever means required.
Neither
Hezbollah or those Palestinians now fighting each other
in
Syria, and, God-forbid, soon in Lebanon if the
US-Israeli is successful in
achieving it's divisive
project, need 2-cents worth of advice from this
foreign
observer. But surely, most from each camp will agree that
this
is not the time for Hezbollah and the Palestinians
to use their scant
resources to battle each other over
perceived wrongs. There will be time
enough to discuss
these, if either group is still feeling wronged,
after
Palestine is freed from its racist colonial
yoke.
ends