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Cablegate: Daily Summary of Japanese Press 08/22/07

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UNCLAS SECTION 01 OF 11 TOKYO 003877

SIPDIS

SIPDIS

DEPT FOR E, P, EB, EAP/J, EAP/P, EAP/PD, PA;
WHITE HOUSE/NSC/NEC; JUSTICE FOR STU CHEMTOB IN ANTI-TRUST DIVISION;
TREASURY/OASIA/IMI/JAPAN; DEPT PASS USTR/PUBLIC AFFAIRS OFFICE;
SECDEF FOR JCS-J-5/JAPAN,
DASD/ISA/EAPR/JAPAN; DEPT PASS ELECTRONICALLY TO USDA
FAS/ITP FOR SCHROETER; PACOM HONOLULU FOR PUBLIC DIPLOMACY ADVISOR;
CINCPAC FLT/PA/ COMNAVFORJAPAN/PA.

E.O. 12958: N/A
TAGS: OIIP KMDR KPAO PGOV PINR ECON ELAB JA

SUBJECT: DAILY SUMMARY OF JAPANESE PRESS 08/22/07


Index:

(1) Kin Town assembly calls on US Embassy to halt construction of
new firing range; Same request to Prime Minister's Official
Residence (Kantei), as well

(2) Japan-India summit today; Japan eager to strengthen ties,
despite India's tough diplomatic approach

(3) Japan, Malaysia to strengthen cooperation on PKO

(4) All deputy chief cabinet secretaries to be replaced, number of
prime ministerial advisors to be reduced

(5) LDP Secretary General Nakagawa expresses positive stance on
"grand coalition with DPJ"

(6) New Komeito gradually distancing itself from LDP, with Soka
Gakkai distrustful of Prime Minister Abe

(7) Interview with Nobutaka Machimura, chairman of Machimura
faction: Government should change order of policy priorities

(8) Editorial: Political funding needs a solid system

(9) Facts about civilian control (Section 4): Thinking of SDF as
Japan's new garrison-SDF in transformation (Part 1): Top-secret team
set up six months before Iraq war; Cabinet Secretariat alone drafted
special legislation

ARTICLES:

(1) Kin Town assembly calls on US Embassy to halt construction of
new firing range; Same request to Prime Minister's Official
Residence (Kantei), as well

OKINAWA TIMES (Page 2) (Full)
August 22, 2007

Tokyo

In connection with the issue of the construction of a small-arms
firing range for the US Army's special forces being planned near
Range 3 of the US military's Camp Hansen, a delegation led by
Yoshimasa Matsuda, head of the town assembly of Kin visited
consecutively the US Embassy and the Kantei yesterday to call for an
immediate halt in the planned construction.

According to Matsuda, Raymond Greene, the chief of the security
affairs section of the US Embassy sought the assembly side's
understanding, stating: "We looked into whether there might be
another place for the training, but came up with the conclusion that
the only place for it was Camp Hansen. The training will be carried
out more safely and more effectively than before."

Responding for the Kantei, Deputy Chief Cabinet Secretary Seiji
Suzuki did not refer specifically to halting the planned
construction, but would only say, "We will transmit to the US side
that safety is thoroughly and properly ensured." When the requests
that started on the 20th were delivered, Matsuda stated: "The
government has blindly followed the US' intention, and the gap in
thinking between it and the local government, which is appealing

TOKYO 00003877 002 OF 011


against an increase in the local burden, is great. The firing range
is not yet built, so we would like to continue working on the
government to block it."

(2) Japan-India summit today; Japan eager to strengthen ties,
despite India's tough diplomatic approach

SANEKI (Page 5) (Slightly abridged)
August 22, 2007

Sugimoto, New Delhi

Prime Minister Shinzo Abe, now on a tour of Asia, will met Indian
Prime Minister Singh in India on Aug. 22. Based on his
value-oriented diplomatic approach, Abe will seek stronger ties with
India, which places importance on the rule of law and basic human
rights. China has built up its naval power in the Southwest Asian
seas region, such as the Indian Ocean. Under such a situation, Japan
and India share the common challenge of ensuring the safety of sea
lanes as routes for vessels to transport crude oil from the Middle
East. India, though, is also eager to expand relations with China.
It therefore is not certain to what extent Japan will be able to
deepen strategic ties with India in dealing with China.

Prime Minister Abe said in a policy speech in Indonesia on Aug. 20:
"Japan-India relations are more remote than what they ought to be in
the economic, political, and security areas." Abe and Indonesian
President Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono also confirmed when they met the
need for both countries to join hands in ensuring safe navigation
and peace-building in the Straits of Malacca.

Even before assuming office, Prime Minister Abe advocated that Japan
should strengthen ties with countries that have common values, such
as democracy. In the Japan-United States summit in April, Abe
proposed a four-way dialogue among Japan, the US, Australia, and
India. President Bush expressed his support for it. This proposal is
apparently aimed to hold in check moves by "China, which does not
share values with Japan," as said by a government source.

Among the countries that share common values with Japan, the prime
minister is keen to come closer particularly to India. Besides its
potential market, an accompanying source cited as the main reason
for Abe's approach to India: "Both share the interests in terms of
security, such as the need to ensure the safety of sea lanes as
routes for oil to be transported from the Middle East." Abe had also
exchanged views on this issue with leading Indian government
officials when he visited India in March 2005 as LDP deputy
secretary general.

SIPDIS

By increasing its defense budget annually in the double-digit range
for the 19th consecutive year, China has upgraded its distance
deployment capability. The threat China has posed to Japan and
India, both of which are adjacent to China, is becoming more serious
year by year. China supported a project to expand the naval base and
commercial port facilities in Gwadar in Pakistan, which has a tense
relationship with India. China also set up a radar base on the
leased Cocos Island in Burma (Myanmar), located near the Indian
military base on the Andaman Islands - an Indian territory. In
Chittagong in Bangladesh, China renovated port facilities as part of
efforts to make them more convenient for its navy. A Foreign
Ministry official said: "Its stronger precaution and angry reaction
to China's moves have prompted India to reinforce its navy."

TOKYO 00003877 003 OF 011

Under such a situation, Japan, the US, and India carried out their
first joint training in the Pacific Ocean, in waters near Japan,
this April. In September, five countries - Japan, the US, Australia,
India, and Singapore - will conduct joint training in the Bengaru
Gulf in the Indian Ocean. In the planned meeting with the Indian
prime minister, Abe is expected to stress the need for the two
countries to promote security cooperation further and to propose a
strategic dialogue among Japan, the US, Australia, and India.

When former Prime Minister Junichiro Koizumi visited India in April
2005, the Japanese and Indian leaders agreed to start a discussion
on jointly developing oil and natural gas development in waters near
the Andaman Islands. During Prime Minister Abe's visit, Japan-India
cooperation is expected to take shape.

In the past, China and India often engaged in a military clash over
the demarcation of a borderline, but they have also improved their
relations, on the strength of deepening economic ties.

In a China-Russia summit this March, the two countries confirmed
that they would beef up efforts to strengthen trilateral relations
among China, Russia, and India. In a China-India summit last
November, the two countries agreed to double the value of their
trade to 40 billion dollars by 2010. As it stands, they have
steadily translated their own diplomatic strategies into action.
Keeping such moves in mind, Japan intends to watch carefully what
moves India will make, as a Foreign Ministry source said: "India has
developed a complicated, tough diplomacy."

Prime Minister Abe arrived at Palam Air Force Station in New Delhi,
India, on the afternoon of Aug. 21, local time.

(3) Japan, Malaysia to strengthen cooperation on PKO

SANKEI (Page 5) (Full)
August 22, 2007

The government decided yesterday to strengthen cooperation with
Malaysia on United Nations peacekeeping operations (PKO).
Specifically, Japan will work out personnel assistance measures,
such as dispatching experts in the Defense Ministry to the PKO
training center in Malaysia. Prime Minister Shinzo Abe is scheduled
to visit Malaysia on Aug. 23. He intends to incorporate such
assistance measures in a joint statement that the two countries'
leaders will issue when they meet.

Malaysia is a foremost PKO advanced country in Asia, having its own
PKO training center. The training center, established in 1996, has
invited lecturers from various countries. They lecture to government
forces and civilian police officers about UN organizations and
technologies related to weapons to be used in PKO. The center has
also accepted students from many other countries and international
institutes, including Japanese.

Foreign Minister Taro Aso announced last August a concept to
establish small private schools (Terakoya) in Asia designed to
nurture personnel who will engage in peace-building activities. The
aim of stepping up cooperation with Malaysia in the PKO area is also
to give impetus to the Terakoya concept.

The joint statement will also specify cooperation between the two

TOKYO 00003877 004 OF 011


countries in containing global warming. Japan will provide the
Malaysian government with its technology to produce biofuel, which
will lead to reducing greenhouse gas emissions. Malaysia produces
palm oil, raw material for biofuel. The prime minister hopes to back
up the global efforts to redress the global warming problem through
such Japan-Malaysia cooperation.

(4) All deputy chief cabinet secretaries to be replaced, number of
prime ministerial advisors to be reduced

YOMIURI (Page 2) (Abridged slightly)
August 22, 2007

Prime Minister Shinzo Abe is likely to refresh the Kantei (Prime
Minister's Official Residence) lineup timed with the reshuffle of
his cabinet, planned for August 27. It became certain yesterday that
in addition to Chief Cabinet Secretary Yasuhisa Shiozaki, who is
expected to be replaced, Hakubun Shimomura and Seiji Suzuki will
resign as deputy chief cabinet secretaries for parliamentary
affairs. There is also a strong possibility that Junzo Matoba will
step down as deputy chief cabinet secretary for administrative
affairs. Coordination is also underway to reduce the number of
advisors to the prime minister, which now stands at five.

Abe launched his cabinet last September that was packed with his
close friends and aides, such as Shiozaki. Matoba was also picked
from Abe's brain trust. Although Abe's intention was to run policies
flexibly, the cabinet lineup has been criticized from within the
ruling bloc. Abe apparently decided to completely revamp the Kantei
system as he reshuffles his cabinet.

One plan being mentioned is to appoint former cabinet ministers
truly versed in Diet affairs as deputy chief cabinet secretaries for
parliamentary affairs. Some are recommending former National Police
Agency Director-General Iwao Uruma and others for the post of deputy
chief cabinet secretary for administrative affairs.

In establishing his cabinet last year, Abe increased the number of
prime ministerial advisors from two to the maximum five, one each
responsible for national security, economic and fiscal policy, the
abduction issue, educational revitalization, and public relations.
The advisors' authority has been ambiguous, and disputes with
cabinet ministers and concerned ministries and agencies have often
been mentioned.

For this reason, Abe is considering keeping some advisor posts
vacant or abolishing them.

The post of advisor on national security has been unfilled since
Yuriko Koike became defense minister. Now that Kyoko Nakayama, a
private-sector advisor on the abduction issue, won an Upper House
seat in the July election, all advisors are now lawmakers.

(5) LDP Secretary General Nakagawa expresses positive stance on
"grand coalition with DPJ"

MAINICHI (Page 5) (Full)
August 22, 2007

Liberal Democratic Party (LDP) Secretary General Hidenao Nakagawa
was asked at a news conference on 21 August about whether the LDP
should form a grand coalition with the Democratic Party of Japan

TOKYO 00003877 005 OF 011


(DPJ). Nakagawa expressed a positive stance, saying, "If we mainly
consider reform to create better Japan, I believe that the way to
respond to the popular will is for the ruling and opposition parties
to march (together)."

Nakagawa said that the DPJ, which has been stepping up a
confrontational stance, should indicate that the party will "stop
giving the highest priority to the political situation and implement
policies for the public as a whole." In this way, he called on the
DPJ to change its position. Nakagawa added: "(The people indicated
in opinion polls and other ways that) the first thing that they hope
for is a coalition government of the LDP and the DPJ. With that in
mind, I wish to give it consideration in a humble manner."

However, most observers are taking Nakagawa's remarks as a "wishful
thinking," because Nakagawa is slated to step down as LDP secretary
general.

(6) New Komeito gradually distancing itself from LDP, with Soka
Gakkai distrustful of Prime Minister Abe

SANKEI (Page 5) (Full)
August 22, 2007

The junior coalition partner New Komeito will today bring together
representatives from its prefectural chapters at party headquarters
and examine the results of the July 29 Upper House election. The New
Komeito joined a coalition government with the Liberal Democratic
Party (LDP) in 1999. Since then the New Komeito widened support in
the proportional representation segment, but in the recent Upper
House election, it suffered a historic setback, seeing a large
number of voters moving away from the party. A sense of distrust of
Prime Minister Shinzo Abe is spreading in the New Komeito's power
base, Soka Gakkai. Even in the New Komeito, some are insisting that
the party should reconsider the current policy line adopted by the
coalition of the LDP and the New Komeito. Marking the eighth
anniversary of the formation of the coalition government with the
LDP, the New Komeito's leadership finds it increasingly difficult to
manage the situation.

Grumbling

"I thought Prime Minister Abe could have garnered more votes." Soka
Gakkai Honorary Chairman Daisaku Ikeda reportedly made this
complaint to a senior New Komeito member at a Soka Gakkai staff
meeting held in Tokyo's Hachioji City on Aug. 1, when the New
Komeito was still in the midst of the shock of its crushing defeat
in the Upper House election.

Ikeda delivered a speech in the session premised on continuing to
give support to the Abe administration in the future as well.
Perhaps for that, his "grumbling" did not appear in Soka Gakkai's
newspaper, but this episode revealed that the LDP-New Komeito line
is becoming "fragile."

At a session of the New Komeito Lower House caucus held in the Diet
at noon on Aug. 9, a veteran lawmaker made this shocking analysis:
"The LDP may be on the road to collapse. Our party must make clear
our free and unbiased line." Because this remark could be taken to
mean leaving the coalition, the conference room became deathly
silent.


TOKYO 00003877 006 OF 011


There was no one who echoed that view, but other lawmakers, too,
expressed displeasure at the LDP, with one arguing, "There was no
good effect of being in the ruling bloc on the Upper House
election." Another lawmaker complained: "Except for some areas,
election cooperation this time between the LDP and the New Komeito
did not go well."

The New Komeito saw its incumbent candidates lose their seats in
three constituencies -- Aichi, Kanagawa, and Saitama -- in the Upper
House election this time. Even in the proportional representation
segment, the votes the party garnered this time came to 7,765,000
from the previous 8,620,000. This outcome was far from the party's
longstanding goal of winning 10 million votes in the proportional
representation segment.

"Strained cooperative ties"

The New Komeito had supported Abe principally because he would be
the "face of election." Otherwise, there had been from the beginning
big gaps between Abe, an advocate of revising the Constitution, and
the New Komeito, which has adopted a pacifist policy line, over
foreign and security affairs. Well aware of that, the New Komeito
leadership has contained supporters' complaints so far. If Abe is no
longer useful as the "face of elections," the party would be bound
to be criticized by its supporters.

Perhaps for these circumstances or other reasons, the New Komeito is
beginning to distance itself from the LDP. In fact, one veteran
lawmaker revealed: "Our relationship with the LDP will take a
strained, cooperative one. We are ready to give harsh advice to the
LDP, and we will adopt a confrontational stance toward them." New
Komeito Representative Akihiro Ota intends to play the role of a
counterpart of the prime minister from now on.

Double-edged sword

Intensifying criticism of the government and the LDP would be a
"double-edged sword" for the New Komeito, however. Excessive
criticism could bring confusion to the political situation as the
major opposition Democratic Party of Japan's (DPJ) is stepping up
its offensive against the government and the LDP. It would be the
New Komeito that would be most troubled should the Lower House be
resolved for a snap general election, given the party's meticulous
preparations for its "organized election".

One New Komeito executive officer noted: "If the New Komeoto failed
in the next Lower House election, we would vanish. We have been
faced with the most serious crisis our party was formed."

(7) Interview with Nobutaka Machimura, chairman of Machimura
faction: Government should change order of policy priorities

NIKKEI (Page 2) (Full)
August 18, 2007

Following the Liberal Democratic Party's crushing defeat in the July
House of Councillors election, Prime Minister Shinzo Abe has decided
to reorganize his cabinet and the lineup of LDP leadership on Aug.
27, determined to reconstruct his party. The Nikkei interviewed key
persons in the ruling camp to ask for their views about important
points in reorganizing the cabinet and outlooks for the political
situation.

TOKYO 00003877 007 OF 011

-- Calls for the prime minister's resignation have yet to die down,
don't you agree?

Since we suffered a devastating defeat in the election, various
views naturally came out. When the Hosokawa government was launched
and our party was driven into opposition, harsher opinions were
presented in joint plenary meetings of party members of both houses
of the Diet. The current situation is much calmer than at that
time.

-- The prime minister, before all of the ballots were counted, had
already expressed his intention to stay in power. Some lashed out at
this stance.

The problem was whether the timing was proper or not.

-- What are key points in reorganizing the cabinet?

It is important to place the right person in the right place. Since
we experienced a humiliating defeat in the election, it is also
necessary to change the order of policy priorities. The government
has lost public trust because of the pension problem. Since the
health, labor and welfare minister has to take care of many areas,
it might be desirable to establish a ministerial post for pension
issues.

-- There are calls for replacing Chief Cabinet Secretary Yasuhisa
Shiozaki.

I hear a considerable number of persons are calling for his
resignation. The prime minister's judgment is reflected most
significantly in selecting the chief cabinet secretary.

-- If the prime minister, who has yet to gain public confidence,
continues to stay in power, politics led by the Kantei will have to
be reviewed.

The Hashimoto administration introduced the Kantei-led structure for
the first time. Since then, that system has been kept in place. The
structure itself is on the right track, but it is not desirable for
the Council on Economic and Fiscal Policy, which is just an advisory
panel to the prime minister, to be acting like a decision-making
panel. Some critics wonder if academics and business leaders really
know the circumstances of local communities.

-- The focus of attention in the extraordinary Diet session this
fall will be on an extension of the Antiterrorism Special Measures
Law.

It will be acceptable if it will become possible for Japan to
continue to dispatch (Self-Defense Force troops) by revising the
bill. The Democratic Party of Japan (DPJ) should discuss the issue
in a cautious manner. In the party, there are members who are
supportive of extending the law. But the party president has clearly
expressed his opposition to the government's plan. In this case, the
president's stance is regarded as the party's policy. The president
of a responsible political party should not take such an approach.

-- Do you think the House of Representatives will be dissolved for a
snap election within a year?


TOKYO 00003877 008 OF 011


It is premature to talk about the possibility of dissolving the
Lower House. The DPJ apparently aims to have the administration
dissolve the Lower House as soon as possible within this year. We
should consider it more prudently.

-- Some suggest that political groups should be required to produce
receipts for expenditures of more than one yen in amending the
Political Funds Control Law again.

I think this is a proper idea. We should take measures, based on the
principle of making the flow of political funds as transparent as
possible.

(8) Editorial: Political funding needs a solid system

ASAHI (Page 3) (Full)
August 22, 2007

The Abe cabinet was hit by yet another politics-and-money scandal.

At the center of this scandal is Chief Cabinet Secretary Yasuhisa
Shiozaki, the linchpin of the Abe cabinet. A staff member at his
local office has reportedly embezzled a large sum of money by
double-booking office expenses.

It is appalling to learn that the chief cabinet secretary has failed
to manage and supervise his own staff despite a series of political
fund scandals involving cabinet ministers.

In order to conceal the embezzlement, the staff member attached
copied receipts to two sets of funding reports. The method is the
same as that of former Agriculture Minister Norihiko Akagi's case
that came to light just before the July House of Councillors
election.

Shiozaki's case is worse than Akagi's in that the staffer used two
sets of funding reports that differ in nature to conceal the
embezzlement.

Under the Political Funds Control Law, political organizations, such
as party chapters, are required to submit their annual political
funding reports either to the internal affairs and communications
minister or to prefectural election administration committees. In
addition, the Public Offices Election Law requires them to file
campaign spending reports with prefectural election administration
committees.

According to the Shiozaki office, the staff member embezzled some
6.3 million yen in political funds held by the LDP branch which
Shiozaki heads. To cover this up, he reportedly attached copies of
receipts that were originally used for Shiozaki's campaign funding
report to the funding report of the LDP branch.

The system requiring two separate funding reports under the two laws
is clearly a breeding ground for irregularities.

Following the ruling bloc's crushing defeat in the previous
election, the Democratic Party of Japan and New Komeito are planning
to revise the Political Funds Control Law to mandate all political
groups to attach receipts for expenditures of one yen or more for
political activities and operating expenses.


TOKYO 00003877 009 OF 011


Their plan merits high marks, though that is not enough for
disclosing the use of political funds to the public.

First, a system must be established requiring political groups to
produce original receipts. In the corporate world, expenses cannot
be settled without receipts. The problem lies in the system itself
that allows political organizations to attach copied receipts to
their funding reports.

It is also essential to make them submit their funding reports
solely to the internal affairs and communications minister to make
it easier to cross examine.

Further, a system must be created so that anyone can see the funding
reports, including receipts, on the Internet. In order to see
receipts under the current system, one must ask for information
disclosure, which is time-consuming.

We find it difficult to understand that Shiozaki simply released a
short statement, instead of holding a press conference, in the wake
of the revelation of the serious embezzlement of political funds by
his staff member.

The chief cabinet secretary handled the matter poorly, and it seems
natural that the Liberal Democratic Party's discussion on the
question of politics and money has been stalled.

The LDP's failure to make a positive move could be a chance for
other parties, such as the DPJ and New Komeito, to win public trust.
We want to see political parties vie for better plans to realize
transparency in the extraordinary Diet session in the fall.

(9) Facts about civilian control (Section 4): Thinking of SDF as
Japan's new garrison-SDF in transformation (Part 1): Top-secret team
set up six months before Iraq war; Cabinet Secretariat alone drafted
special legislation

TOKYO (Top play) (Full)
August 19, 2007

"The way things are going, I can't send troops. I need a resolution
from the United Nations."

On the night of April 16, 2003, (then) Prime Minister Junichiro
Koizumi was at his temporary official residence in Higashigotanta,
Tokyo. He suddenly made a telephone call to US President Bush and
asked him over the phone to work for a UN resolution.

A month earlier, the United States had launched attacks on Iraq. "I
will strengthen the Japan-US alliance." With this commitment behind
him, Koizumi had made up his mind to send troops from the
Self-Defense Forces to Iraq.

Koizumi was concerned about how to justify his plan to send SDF
troops to Iraq. If Koizumi had brought up his SDF dispatch plan for
the sake of the Japan-US alliance, he would have faced criticism for
kowtowing to the United States. As a result, his SDF Iraq dispatch
plan might have fallen through. Koizumi wanted to be able to account
for his SDF dispatch to Iraq as Japan's international contribution.
To do so, Koizumi thought that a UN resolution would be needed for
the international community to help with Iraq's nation-rebuilding
efforts.

TOKYO 00003877 010 OF 011

Japan sent the same message to the United States through various
diplomatic channels. The United States, as a result, conducted
lobbying activities at the United Nations. On May 22, soon after
major conflict began in Iraq, the UN Security Council adopted
Resolution 1483. It was exactly what Koizumi had wanted.

Shortly thereafter, US Deputy Secretary of State Armitage visited
Japan. Armitage met Taku Yamasaki, the then secretary general of the
ruling Liberal Democratic Party. "We were able to get a resolution,"
Armitage told Yamasaki in the meeting. Armitage was in high spirits.
He added, "Why don't you create a special measures law?" Yamasaki
recalled, "The prime minister and I had made it a minimum
prerequisite to obtain a UN resolution, so the United States was
desperate."

Major countries like Russia, China, and France came out against the
Iraq war. The United States was becoming isolated. Japan was the
first to stand behind the United States in the Iraq war. Japan must
have appeared to be a precious supporter.

"Go ahead with new legislation." In late May, Koizumi told his chief
cabinet secretary, Yasuo Fukuda, to work out a new law. It was
Koizumi's official order to create a special legislative measure for
Japan's Iraq assistance, which was later shaped into the Law for
Special Measures to Implement Humanitarian and Reconstruction
Assistance Activities and Security Assistance Activities in Iraq, or
the Iraq Special Measures Law for short.

However, the Cabinet Secretariat had already set up a team of more
than 10 bureaucrats to work out a draft of the Iraq Special Measures
Law in private. It was six months before the Iraq war was started.
Across from the prime minister's office is the Cabinet Office, a
prefabricated hut was erected in a corner location. Walking down the
prefab's creaking passage, there was one room where the team of
Cabinet Secretariat bureaucrats worked to draft the Iraq Special
Measures Law.

Teijiro Furukawa, the then deputy chief cabinet secretary for
administrative affairs, served five prime ministers as the
government's top bureaucrat. Furukawa told the team to rack their
brains about what Japan could do once the United States launched its
use of armed force in Iraq.

Strangely enough, the Foreign Ministry and the Defense Agency at the
time were excluded from the team. The Cabinet Secretariat's
bureaucrats are mostly from other government offices. Of course,
there are also some people seconded on loan from the Foreign
Ministry and the Defense Agency. The Cabinet Secretariat banned them
even from consulting with their home offices. That was because the
Cabinet Secretariat had feared information leaks.

"We've got to make preparations at all times so the prime minister
can make right decisions-that's the iron rule for us the
government's administrative officials," Furukawa said. "But," he
added, "I made detailed reports to Chief Cabinet Secretary Fukuda."
With this, Furukawa stressed that the bureaucracy did not run away
with itself for the special legislation.

On June 9, 2003, the government presented the LDP and its coalition
partner, New Komeito, with a draft bill for the special measures law
that features "humanitarian and reconstruction assistance

TOKYO 00003877 011 OF 011


activities" and "security assistance activities" (or rear-echelon
support for US forces). It was only two days after Koizumi clarified
his intention to create a new law. The government could come up with
the special legislation since the Cabinet Secretariat had prepared
at an early stage to work it out.

There was a miscalculation. The special legislation, as one of its
features, was worded: "dealing with weapons of mass destruction."
The Defense Agency raised an objection to this wording, claiming
that the SDF cannot deal with WMDs. The wording was crossed out in
the draft bill.

Intelligence from the United States weighed heavily with the Cabinet
Secretariat. The United States reiterated that there must be WMDs in

SIPDIS
Iraq. The Cabinet Secretariat thought nothing of the SDF's
capability. Its legislative team worked well. However, its
legislative team was provided with biased information.

The United States later said its military could not discover any
WMDs in Iraq. Its justification for the Iraq war therefore is shaky.
The UN resolution does not refer to whether the Iraq war was
justified. Japan, which based its support for the Iraq war on that
UN resolution, cannot verify the propriety of the Iraq war, yet it
continues the SDF mission in Iraq.

This series, Thinking of SDF as Japan's new garrison, has so far
looked at what the Ground, Maritime, and Air Self-Defense Forces
have done in their respective overseas activities, including their
assistance with Iraq. This series, in its fourth installment, will
shed light on what went on behind the scenes of the civilian control
set up that ordered such overseas activities.

MESERVE

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