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Cablegate: Daily Summary of Japanese Press 09/05/09

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PP RUEHFK RUEHKSO RUEHNAG RUEHNH
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ZNR UUUUU ZZH
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UNCLAS SECTION 01 OF 12 TOKYO 002054

SIPDIS

DEPT FOR E, P, EB, EAP/J, EAP/P, EAP/PD, PA;
WHITE HOUSE/NSC/NEC; JUSTICE FOR STU CHEMTOB IN ANTI-TRUST DIVISION;
TREASURY/OASIA/IMI/JAPAN; DEPT PASS USTR/PUBLIC AFFAIRS OFFICE;
SECDEF FOR JCS-J-5/JAPAN,
DASD/ISA/EAPR/JAPAN; DEPT PASS ELECTRONICALLY TO USDA
FAS/ITP FOR SCHROETER; PACOM HONOLULU FOR PUBLIC DIPLOMACY ADVISOR;
CINCPAC FLT/PA/ COMNAVFORJAPAN/PA.

E.O. 12958: N/A
TAGS: OIIP KMDR KPAO PGOV PINR ECON ELAB JA

SUBJECT: DAILY SUMMARY OF JAPANESE PRESS 09/05/09

INDEX:
(1) Hatoyama desperate to quell stir created by op-ed essay (Tokyo
Shimbun)

(2) U.S. government taking wait-and-see attitude on controversy over
Hatoyama's New York Times article (Tokyo Shimbun)

(3) Concern over two-tier power structure already looming as Ozawa
increases his presence (Tokyo Shimbun)

(4) Change of administration: DPJ's foreign policy must rest on
Japan-U.S. ties (Nikkei)

(5) Editorial: Japan-U.S. relations: Take this as golden opportunity
to build trust (Tokyo Shimbun)

(6) Editorial: Japan-U.S. phone conversation: Prove with actions
that "alliance is cornerstone" (Sankei)

(7) Hatoyama: No quick solution to the issue of Futenma relocation
(Okinawa Times)

(8) Futenma alternative: Flight demonstrations set for Sept. 9
(Ryukyu Shimpo)

(9) F-22s to stay on at Yokota base? (Akahata)

(10) International carbon market initiative could give impetus to
effort to set post-Kyoto Protocol framework: Private sector-funded
assistance to developing countries; Japan alarmed about move led by
U.S., Europe (Asahi)

(11) Prime Minister's Schedule, September 3 (Nikkei)

(12) DPJ President Hatoyama's Schedule (Nikkei)

ARTICLES:

(1) Hatoyama desperate to quell stir created by op-ed essay

TOKYO SHIMBUN (Page 3) (Full)
September 4, 2009

Yoichi Takeuchi, Political Department

Democratic Party of Japan (DPJ) President Yukio Hatoyama, the prime
minister in waiting, is desperately trying to erase his image of
being a person who holds "anti-American" views. This is because the
U.S. media is strongly criticizing his essay quoted by U.S.
newspapers. Hatoyama wants to dispel the U.S.'s "misunderstanding"
by building personal relations of trust with President Barack
Obama.

At a teleconference early in the morning of Sept. 3, Obama told
Hatoyama "the Democratic Party won on both sides of the Pacific." In
response, Hatoyama said, "The change of party in power required
courage. It is the American people and President Obama who gave that
courage to the Japanese people."

Hatoyama likely flattered Obama because of the increasing criticism
of him in the U.S.


TOKYO 00002054 002 OF 012


Yesterday afternoon Hatoyama met with U.S. Ambassador John Roos.
With an eye toward building a good relationship, Hatoyama and Roos,
Stanford University graduates, had a warm meeting, according to
Roos.

The U.S. side's anxiety arose because The New Times posted on its
website excerpts of the English version of the essay that Hatoyama
originally contributed to the September issue of the Japanese
monthly magazine Voice.

The New York Times's website highlighted that (1) Hatoyama is
critical of U.S.-led globalization and (2) advocates East Asian
economic integration as U.S. influence ebbs. The U.S. media quickly
responded that the next Japanese prime minister seems to be
distancing himself from the U.S.

Hatoyama said that the contribution was an excerpt from his original
essay, commenting that "Globalization has both negative and positive
aspects. I have no intention to exclude the U.S. from an East Asia
Community concept. If they read my essay in its entirety, they will
understand what I meant."

In his original essay, Hatoyama stressed that the Japan-U.S.
security arrangements will function as the basis of Japan's foreign
policy in the future as well. The DPJ's manifesto (campaign pledges)
for the Aug. 30 House of Representatives election included a pledge
to build a close and equal Japan-U.S. alliance as top priority of
Japan's foreign policy. The DPJ revealed this policy in
consultations on a coalition government with the Social Democratic
Party and the People's New Party.

However, it is a fact that the next prime minister's promise to
build an equal Japan-U.S. relationship is creating a stir in the
United States--all the more because Hatoyama has taken a stance to
suspend the Maritime Self-Defense Force's refueling mission in the
Indian Ocean, which Japan began to assist U.S.-led multinational
efforts.

Hatoyama is expected to visit New York in late September soon after
he takes office as prime minister. He hopes to hold a summit with
President Obama. A junior DPJ lawmaker said that because "Hatoyama
diplomacy" will start with dispelling the suspicion (that he is
anti-American), from the beginning it will be hard for Hatoyama to
engage in diplomacy with the U.S.

(2) U.S. government taking wait-and-see attitude on controversy over
Hatoyama's New York Times article

TOKYO SHIMBUN (Page 3) (Full)
September 4, 2009

Nakahiro Iwata, Washington

The U.S. government is basically taking a wait-and-see attitude on
the controversy over the Hatoyama article. Kevin Maher, director of
the Office of Japanese Affairs, U.S. Department of State, said, "We
will not speculate before the Democratic Party of Japan makes
proposals (on the new administration's foreign policy)."

When asked at a news conference on August 31 if Hatoyama is
contemplating breaking away from dependence on the U.S., White House
Press Secretary Robert Gibbs deflected the question, saying, "I

TOKYO 00002054 003 OF 012


don't understand what dependence you are talking about."

However, contrary to the U.S. government's intentions, the U.S.
media have been voicing increasing concerns about Hatoyama. The
Washington Post's editorial on September 1 called Hatoyama an
"inexperienced politician" and warned that "the new administration
should not let relations with the U.S. deteriorate." The New York
Times, on September 2, quoted a senior government official as saying
that "administration officials are increasingly concerned that Japan
will cease to support the United States' top priority issues, such
as the war in Afghanistan."

Unable to ignore this controversy, U.S. Assistant Secretary of State
for East Asian and Pacific Affairs Kurt Campbell stressed in a
speech on September 2 that "a degree of independence, of confidence,
is absolutely essential on the part of Japan. This does not conflict
with the alliance relationship. The U.S. actually supports that."
This was a bid to rectify the situation, but the controversy is
expected to continue for some time.

(3) Concern over two-tier power structure already looming as Ozawa
increases his presence

TOKYO SHIMBUN (Page 3) (Full)
September 3, 2009

The presence of Democratic Party of Japan (DPJ) Deputy President
Ichiro Ozawa, who greatly contributed to the party's crushing
victory, is gradually increasing. The launching of the transition
team, which was supposed to make various arrangements for the
inauguration of the new cabinet, was put on hold. A growing view
heard in the party even from before the Lower House election was
that Ozawa had the final say in the decision. Concern is now looming
that the Hatoyama administration will fall into a two-tier power
structure.

At noon on September 2 Secretary General Katsuya Okada and Policy
Research Council Chairman Masayuki Naoshima visited Chief Cabinet
Secretary Takeo Kawamura at the Office of the Prime Minister and
asked for his cooperation in the transfer of administration. Instead
of them one would have expected lawmakers who before the election
Hatoyama had tapped as cabinet secretary and finance minister to
have visited Kawamura as transition team representatives.

Plan overturned

The plan for the transition team had been worked out when Naoto Kan
was president in 2003 and Okada was president in 2005. According to
the outline of the plan, the party president was to pick executive
party members and main cabinet members right after the Lower House
election, and as a team they were to coordinate views in the run-up
to the launching of a new administration.

In the Lower House election this time, too, Secretary General Okada
and Hirofumi Hirano, executive office chief and an aide to Hatoyama,
had been preparing to launch the team until immediately before the
election day.

The plan was aborted in the early hours of August 31, when the
general trend of the Lower House election returns became clear.
Hatoyama announced at a press conference that the plan to set up the
transition team had been shelved and personnel appointments would be

TOKYO 00002054 004 OF 012


made at once after his nomination as prime minister. He underscored
that the change in the plan was due to a decision to give
consideration to the party's coalition partners - the SDP and the
PNP.

This policy decision was confirmed at an informal meeting of
Hatoyama, Ozawa, Kan, and Okada as well as Azuma Koshiishi, head of
the DPJ caucus in the Upper House, held at the party headquarters.
Emerging from the meeting, Okada told reporters, while concealing
his discontent, "Of course we will abide by a policy decision of the
president."

On the 1st Hatoyama explained to reporters, "We have not definitely
decided to set up the transition team." The prevailing view is,
however, the policy switch had been made reflecting Ozawa's wishes.

A lawmaker close to Ozawa revealed, "The plan fell through when Mr.
Ozawa said, 'I haven't heard of it.' His idea of personnel
management is that a person at the top should decide the personnel
line-up."

Ozawa has kept mum about this. He is already eyeing the Upper House
election next summer and the next Lower House election.

He sent a written directive to members of Isshin-Kai, a group of his
supporters among junior Lower House members, through a lawmaker
close to him immediately after the Lower House election. The
directive read: "The next election has already started. There is no
time for us to be elated by the election victory. I urge you to go
out into the streets, meet supporters, and seek their backing and
understanding for the realization of the DPJ administration's
policies."

Foretaste

The group supporting Ozawa will swell to approximately 120 in the
Upper and Lower Houses as a result of the Lower House election. With
such a large number of supporters Ozawa will undoubtedly become more
influential in the party. If his power affects the Hatoyama
administration's personnel management and policy decisions, the
administration will come under criticism for having a two-tier power
structure. This is a major issue for Hatoyama, who will aim to unify
the government and the party.

Such a situation could undermine the delicate relations of Ozawa,
Kan and Okada, centered on Hatoyama, which have been smooth up until
now. The rebuff of the launching of the transition team could become
a foretaste of such a development.

Hatoyama made a point of remarking, "Personnel management is
something which I must mull on my own and reach a decision."

Hatoyama's reference to his legitimate authority as the leader of
the administration indicates his struggle to avoid getting pushed
around by Ozawa.

(4) Change of administration: DPJ's foreign policy must rest on
Japan-U.S. ties

NIKKEI (Page 1) (Abridged)
September 4, 2009


TOKYO 00002054 005 OF 012


Hiroyuki Akita, senior writer

On the night of Sept. 2, Democratic Party of Japan (DPJ) President
Yukio Hatoyama headed back for DPJ headquarters from his home after
finishing talks with the head of the Social Democratic Party (SDP).
The reason was to receive a telephone call from U.S. President
Barack Obama.

Complex U.S. views

It is said that some in the U.S. government had initially wondered
if it was proper to place a telephone call to Hatoyama who is not
yet the prime minister of Japan. Nevertheless, reaching the
conclusion that President Obama should extend his congratulations at
an early time, the U.S. side made the overture for the telephone
conference.

The United States holds mixed views about the Hatoyama
administration, which has yet to be launched. The U.S. media
speculate that Hatoyama might turn away from the United States and
pursue an independent course. The speculation must have been
triggered by Hatoyama's essay that appeared on the New York Times
electronic edition and other papers, which has eventually generated
an anti-American impression. But that must not be all.

The United States is highly alarmed at the DPJ's pledge to review
(the realignment of) U.S. forces in Japan, revise the Japan-U.S.
Status of Forces Agreement (SOFA), terminate the Maritime
Self-Defense Force's refueling mission in the Indian Ocean, and
build a "close and equal Japan-U.S. alliance" at the same time. All
those steps might end up reducing the level of cooperation between
Japan and the United States.

The United States secretly conveyed its concern to the DPJ during
the Lower House election campaign period. Assistant Secretary of
State Kurt Campbell reportedly met with DPJ Secretary General
Katsuya Okada in late July to tell him "there are people in
Washington who think the DPJ does not like the United States. Please
make every effort to avoid generating such an impression."

The DPJ does not intend to change its U.S. policy at a stroke. "We
are not thinking of putting all the issues on the table to seek
solutions all at once. We will set our priorities straight and deal
with them one by one," Okada said to Campbell. Hatoyama, too, has
repeatedly indicated the party's stance of attaching importance to
the United States.

To begin with, it is not wrong to advocate an equal Japan-U.S.
alliance. Even the late Prime Minister Shigeru Yoshida, who signed
the U.S.-Japan Security Treaty and paved the way for Japan to rely
on U.S. forces regarding its national defense, has left a note
posing a question about continuing depending on the power of other
countries.

The DPJ's foreign policy raised apprehensions because how Japan will
fulfill its responsibility and play its role in building equal
Japan-U.S. relations remains unclear.

Anxieties in the United States were fueled by the Hatoyama essay
that appeared in U.S. newspapers. "The essay created a stir in the
(Obama) administration shortly after it appeared on the newspaper,"
a U.S. government official said.

TOKYO 00002054 006 OF 012

It seems that the DPJ incurred distrust in its ability to govern due
to its poor transmission of information that did not take into
account how the international community would react to it.

The LDP administration that was launched more than a half-century
ago pursued economic prosperity during the Cold War by depending on
U.S. forces when it came to national defense, with Japan serving as
their "forward base" in return. Meeting the national interests of
the United States which regards Japan as an anticommunist fortress,
Japan has become a beneficiary of the U.S.-centered free trade
system.

Future image not shown

The Cold War ended some 20 years ago. What is the future image of
the Japan-U.S. alliance? It is not that the DPJ won a public mandate
by presenting a clear vision during the Lower House campaign.

The environment surrounding Japan does not allow the country to be
able to defend its national interests without its alliance with the
United States. Japan sits within the range of the missiles of North
Korea, which is pursuing nuclear development. With China on its way
to becoming a superpower, diplomatic bargaining in Asia is
intensifying

A Chinese foreign policy adviser recently said to a person connected
with the Japanese government that Japan should follow a course that
is more independent. But even if economic ties between Japan and
China are enhanced, the U.S. "security umbrella" will not become
unnecessary (for Japan). Further, Japan must remain on alert against
Russian moves to regain its superpower status.

If the DPJ is to come up with a new diplomatic plan, it must be
based on bonds between Japan and the United States.

(5) Editorial: Japan-U.S. relations: Take this as golden opportunity
to build trust

TOKYO SHIMBUN (Page 5) (Full)
September 4, 2009

Democratic Party of Japan (DPJ) President Yukio Hatoyama had a
teleconference with U.S. President Barack Obama. While the purpose
of the conversation was to clear up the controversy over Hatoyama's
alleged "anti-U.S." article, this should be taken as a golden
opportunity to build a relationship of mutual trust.

Although the outcome of the general election in Japan has been
reported prominently in the U.S. media, Hatoyama is still "Hatoyama,
who?" among ordinary U.S. citizens.

The Hatoyama article published in a U.S. newspaper was the first
opportunity that U.S. citizens had to be acquainted with the
political beliefs of the incoming Japanese prime minister. If the
contents of the article indeed negated the market economy, the
Japan-U.S. alliance, and such other basic values held by the United
States, then it is understandable, to a certain extent, that there
should be a negative reaction.

The original article by Hatoyama was published in the September
issue of Voice. In this article, entitled "My Political Philosophy,"

TOKYO 00002054 007 OF 012


Hatoyama stressed that the spirit of yuai that he advocates has its
roots in Count Richard Coudenhove-Kalergi's concept of "fraternite,"
which spawned the European Union (EU). He cited the EU's philosophy
as the direction of his own political goal. The article consistently
criticized the negative legacy from the excesses of market
fundamentalism resulting from globalism and U.S. unilateralism in
the post-Cold War era.

Excerpts of this article were published in the U.S. paper under the
title "A New Path for Japan." While this is a fairly accurate
translation of the original, the message contained in an article
meant for the Japanese audience may not necessarily be conveyed
accurately to the U.S. and to the international community where
English is the dominant language.

The word "fraternite" itself has a strong connotation of a medieval
religious community. In the U.S., this term calls to mind the secret
society-like fraternities in the universities. From the standpoint
of Western conservatism, which believes in liberalism, there will be
concerns about idealizing European integration, which is regarded as
a socialist experiment. Upholding an "equal Japan-U.S. alliance"
while remaining ambiguous on U.S. diplomacy and defense policy will
inevitably give rise to various interpretations.

President Obama was quick to respond to this situation by proposing
the teleconference in order to clear up the controversy and
demonstrate his posture of giving importance to Japan. This is
symbolic since it came soon after U.S. Ambassador to Japan John
Roos, who has strong personal connections to the President, arrived
in Japan to take up his post.

Regardless of the circumstances, the fact is that the international
community has come to have a strong interest in the DPJ. A
relationship of trust is indispensable for a foreign policy of
"agreeing to disagree." It is probably an urgent task for Hatoyama
to acquire the skill of expressing himself clearly in a way that can
be understood worldwide.

(6) Editorial: Japan-U.S. phone conversation: Prove with actions
that "alliance is cornerstone"

SANKEI (Page 2) (Full)
September 4, 2009

Democratic Party of Japan (DPJ) President Yukio Hatoyama held his
first teleconference with U.S. President Barack Obama and conveyed
the message: "I consider the Japan-U.S. alliance the cornerstone (of
Japanese diplomacy) and would like to develop a future-oriented
Japan-U.S. relationship."

We would like to welcome the two leaders' agreement to maintain the
bilateral security arrangements before Mr. Hatoyama is inaugurated
as prime minister as an expected first step. At the same time, Mr.
Hatoyama should fully realize that there are growing concerns in the
U.S. regarding the DPJ's foreign and security policies and the
future of the alliance. It is necessary to reinforce and develop the
alliance with pragmatic policies and actions.

Mr. Hatoyama and the DPJ have been advocating a "close and equal
Japan-U.S. alliance" but the details have remained unclear. It is a
well-known fact that bipartisan U.S. experts on Japan have warned
that the DPJ's policies since late 2008 on terminating the refueling

TOKYO 00002054 008 OF 012


mission of the Maritime Self-Defense Force in the Indian Ocean,
demanding the relocation of the Futenma Air Station and other U.S.
military facilities outside of Okinawa, and reviewing the Japan-U.S.
Status of Forces Agreement (SOFA) are "seen as anti-U.S. and
anti-alliance."

Such concerns were further aggravated by the publication of an
article entitled "A New Path for Japan" with Mr. Hatoyama's byline
on it in a U.S. newspaper. While the article says that "the
Japan-U.S. security pact will continue to be the cornerstone of
Japanese diplomatic policy," it contains glaring criticisms of the
"failure of the Iraq war" and "market fundamentalism." Two major
U.S. papers, The Washington Post and The New York Times cautioned in
their editorials that "the threat of a nuclear North Korea makes
Japan's neighborhood too dangerous ... for the government in Tokyo
to seek a rupture with Washington" and that "the refueling mission
in the Indian Ocean should continue ... at least through next
spring."

A number of senior Obama administration officials are reportedly
concerned that "Japan may break away from the alliance and drift"
and that "the Japan-U.S. relationship has entered an era of
unpredictability."

Mr. Hatoyama has explained that "the article consisted of excerpts;
if you read the original Japanese version, you will know that it is
not anti-U.S." Even so, it is a serious matter that the media,
government officials, and experts of Japan's alliance partner have
expressed such concerns even before he officially becomes the prime
minister.

President Obama will be visiting Japan in November, and June 2010
will mark the 50th anniversary of the current bilateral security
treaty coming into force. Japan's security environment is
experiencing radical changes in terms of North Korea's threats,
China's naval expansion, and contributions to fighting war against
terrorism. The reinforcement and development of the alliance is more
imperative than ever before. How will Mr. Hatoyama respond to the
outburst of concerns on the U.S. side in this situation?

The foundation of the alliance is measured by the depth of trust and
concrete policies. Mr. Hatoyama should take action to establish a
pragmatic policy line and show the people of both countries that the
alliance is indeed the cornerstone (of Japanese diplomacy).

(7) Hatoyama: No quick solution to the issue of Futenma relocation

OKINAWA TIMES (Page 1) (Abridged)
September 4, 2009

TOKYO-Democratic Party of Japan (DPJ) President Yukio Hatoyama
indicated yesterday that it would take some time to settle the issue
of relocating the U.S. Marine Corps' Futenma Air Station. "Things
won't go well until the Japanese government, the U.S. government,
and Okinawa Prefecture's people find common ground," Hatoyama told
reporters at DPJ headquarters that evening. He added, "I think it
would be difficult to find a quick conclusion." This is the first
time Hatoyama has touched on the relocation of Futenma airfield
since the DPJ won an overwhelming victory in the recent general
election for the House of Representatives.

The DPJ has been calling for Futenma airfield to be relocated

TOKYO 00002054 009 OF 012


outside Okinawa Prefecture. "Basically," Hatoyama said, "we have not
changed our standpoint." He stressed, "We would like to find a
future course that will realize our wish, in the process of building
a relationship of mutual trust with U.S. President Obama."

In addition, Hatoyama also referred to his stance of negotiating
with the United States. "We will have to make a comprehensive review
of not only the Futenma relocation but also the issue of (revising)
the Japan-U.S. Status of Forces Agreement and the issue of host
nation support (omoiyari yosan, or literally "sympathy budget")," he
said.

Meanwhile, Hatoyama implicitly recognized the difficulty of
bilateral negotiations between Japan and the United States, saying,
"I strongly feel that this is not a matter we can resolve tomorrow."
Hatoyama apparently gave thought to recent remarks made by U.S.
government officials who said the U.S. government would not
renegotiate the Futenma issue with the Japanese government.

(8) Futenma alternative: Flight demonstrations set for Sept. 9

RYUKYU SHIMPO (Page 2) (Full)
September 4, 2009

The Okinawa Defense Bureau, an outpost of the Defense Ministry in
Okinawa Prefecture, decided yesterday to conduct flight
demonstrations at the construction site of an alternative facility
for the U.S. Marine Corps' Futenma Air Station at the request of
Okinawa Prefecture and its base-hosting municipalities. The
government plans to lay down a new airfield in a coastal area of
Henoko in the prefecture's northern coastal city of Nago. Two CH-53
heavy-lift helicopters from the U.S. military will be flown over the
replacement facility's location for noise monitoring. Meanwhile,
Okinawa has been calling for the newly planned airfield's
construction site to be moved from its currently planned coastal
location to an offshore site. However, the two CH-53 choppers will
not be flown over that offshore area. The Democratic Party of Japan
(DPJ), which has been calling for Futenma airfield to be relocated
outside Okinawa Prefecture, will now take the reins of government as
a result of the recent general election for the House of
Representatives. Under such circumstances, the Defense Ministry will
now resume its work for Futenma relocation to Henoko.

The Defense Bureau positions the noise-monitoring survey as a step
differing from assessing the Futenma replacement facility's
potential impact on its environs. However, Okinawa Prefecture, Nago
City, and Ginoza Village have asked the government to estimate and
assess the new facility's potential impact based on findings from
the monitoring survey.

(9) F-22s to stay on at Yokota base?

AKAHATA (Page 4) (Full)
September 4, 2009

F-22 stealth fighter jets were shown to the public at the U.S.
Yokota Air Base in Tokyo on Aug. 22-23. The F-22 fighters, however,
were still there even yesterday.

The F-22s arrived at the U.S. Kadena Air Base in Okinawa Prefecture
from the U.S. mainland in late May this year to be deployed there
for the time being, and two of them came to Yokota. According to the

TOKYO 00002054 010 OF 012


Yokota base's public affairs office, the two F-22 fighter jets were
to have returned to Kadena on Aug. 24. However, they cannot take off
due to some trouble, the office explained.

The first batch of F-22 fighter jets arrived at Kadena in February
2007. After that, however, F-22 deployment was delayed due to
instrument trouble. Earlier this year, they repeatedly made
emergency landings.

However, the two F-22 fighters have been at Yokota for over 10 days.
"They might have another purpose," an observer said.

(10) International carbon market initiative could give impetus to
effort to set post-Kyoto Protocol framework: Private sector-funded
assistance to developing countries; Japan alarmed about move led by
U.S., Europe

ASAHI (Page 3) (Excerpts)
September 4, 2009

A plan to set up an international carbon market developed at the
initiative of the U.S. will be presented at the G-20 starting on
September 4. The proposal is expected to speed up the move to create
a framework for measures to curb global warming greenhouse gas
emissions to be adopted in 2013 (post-Kyoto Protocol). Japan is
lagging behind Europe and the U.S. because it has been left out of
the loop on the drafting of the plan. It will be imperative for the
soon-to-be launched Democratic Part of Japan (DPJ) administration to
deal with this situation.

Countries participating in the 15th session of the Conference of the
Parties to the Climate Change (COP15) to be held in Copenhagen in
December this year will aim to reach a post-Kyoto framework
agreement. The major focus of attention is whether the meeting can
call on developing countries, such as China, where emissions are
sharply increasing, to agree to reduce such. The U.S. and Europe
want to provide the impetus to persuade developing countries, by
setting up an international carbon market.

However, coordination of views at the G-20 is expected to be
confrontational. Many developing countries are seeking public
financial assistance, as they are unable to estimate the amount of
funds they can gain on the envisaged international carbon market.
Countries like China are calling on industrialized countries to
outlay between 0.5 percent and 2.0 percent of their GNP. As such,
talks on the international carbon market could drag on until year's
end.

Some Japanese government officials are cautious about the
international carbon market initiative with a government source
saying, "We should not decide to render assistance to developing
countries before industrialized countries' set their reduction
goals." European countries and the U.S. took the initiative for the
adoption of the Kyoto Protocol. Japan was made to accept a goal of
cutting carbon emissions by 6 percent from the 1990 level, which was
higher than it had anticipated.

There is a growing sense of crisis that unless Japan takes part in
discussions on funds, European countries and the U.S. will again
take the lead in adopting a post-Kyoto framework."

(11) Prime Minister's Schedule, September 3

TOKYO 00002054 011 OF 012

NIKKEI (Page 2) (Full)
September 4, 2009

09:48 Met with Chairman Akihiko Tenbo of the Petroleum Association
of Japan at the Nippon Keidanren (Japan Business Federation) Hall in
Otemachi. Then met with Chairman Shosuke Mori of the Federation of
Electric Power Companies of Japan, followed by Nippon Keidanren
Chairman Fujio Mitarai.
10:10 Met with Zenchu Chairman Mamoru Mogi in the JA Building.
10:23 Met with Representative Senior Managing Director Kuniyuki
Miyahara of the JF Zengyoren in the Co-op Building in Uchikanda.
10:47 Met with Chairman Kaoru Yano and Vice Chairman Masataka
Kataoka of the Japan Electronics and Information Technologies
Industry Association in the Chiyoda First Building South Annex in
Nishikanda.
11:29 Met with Chairman Haruo Yoshida of the Zennama industry
association in the Kyoei Building in Hatchobori.
11:42 Met with Chairman Kenichi Asanuma and Vice Chairman Kotaro
Yamada of the construction industry association, then attended a
board meeting of the Japan Civil Engineering Contractors
Association.
12:11 Visited the office of Ikokai (Aso faction) at the National
Inn-keepers Hall in Hirakawa-cho.
13:31 Met with Deputy Chief Cabinet Secretaries Matsumoto and
Asano.
13:54 Met with Chairman Koji Miyahara of the Japanese Ship Owners'
Association in the Maritime Transport Building.
14:09 Met with Executive Director Hiromichi Iwasa of the Real Estate
Companies' Association of Japan in the Kasumigaseki Building.
14:52 Met with Chairman Yoshihito Karasawa of the Japan Medical
Association at the Japan Medical Association Hall in Honkomagome.
15:20 Met with Chairman Eiji Uehiro of the Jissen Rinri Kosei-Kai in
Kudankita.
15:42 Met with Chairman Mitsuo Okubo of the Japan Dental Association
at the Japan Dental Association Hall.
15:55 Met with Chairman Masataka Tomita of the Japan Federation of
Hire-Taxi Associations at the Automobile Hall in Kudan.
16:10 Met with Chairman Takashi Kodama of the Japan Pharmaceutical
Association in the Fuji Kokuhoren Building in Yotsuya.
16:37 Met with Chairman Setsuko Hisatsune of the Japanese Nursing
Association and Chairman Kayoko Shimizu of the Japan Nursing
Federation in the Japanese Nursing Association Building in
Jingumae.
17:54 Met with Chairman Schwab of the World Economic Forum at the
Kantei. Foreign Ministry Economic Affairs Bureau Director General
Suzuki was present.
19:07 Arrived at the official residence.

(12) DPJ President Hatoyama's Schedule

09:58: Left his residence in Denenchofu.
10:50: Met with Lower House member Hirokazu Haraguchi at the DPJ
headquarters.
11:00: Met with Ryuzo Hosokawa, the eldest son of late political
commentator Ryuichiro Hosokawa.
13:57: Met with New Party Japan leader Tanaka.
14:33: Met with Chairman Koga of the general assembly of LDP
lawmakers from both Diet chambers.
14:57: Met with U.S. Ambassador to Japan Roos.
16:00: Telephone call from UN Secretary General Ban Ki-moon,
followed by one from British Ambassador Brown and Spanish Prime

TOKYO 00002054 012 OF 012


Minister Zapatero.
16:57: Met with Russian Ambassador to Japan Bely.
18:49: Met with Secretary General Okada.
21:14: Met with DPJ executive office chief Hirano. Then met with
Deputy President Kan, followed by Public Relations Committee
Chairman Okumura. Then met with Deputy President Ozawa, followed by
Hirano.
23:45: Arrived at his private residence.

ROOS

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